The 20th century was called the century of violence, and the violence continues in the 21st century. Rather, it is being amplified by the emergence of advanced weapons that are formidable. The purpose of this paper is to understand in-depth the nature of“evil” that causes extreme violence. This is because violence is the biggest factor preventing peace. The Japanese colonial rule’s invasion of our people and assault and torture of martyr Yu Gwan-sun are typical historical examples of violence. To this end, we compared the classical writings of Hannah Arendt, a political philosopher who analyzed the Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann, and Bettina Stannett, a philosopher and historian who criticized his views, with Eichmann before Jerusalem. The two works are representative of grasping the nature of evil from different perspectives. Arendt identified Eichmann as the epitome of“Banality of Evil” and wanted to show how a human being who does not think can commit a heinous evil in a totalitarian system. On the other hand, the researcher of“Exceptionality of Evil” called Eichmann“evil’s point of view” in order to make a clear contrast with Arendt’s“evil normality.” The term“extraordinary” is closer to the meaning of intentionality, intentionality, and planning than to mean that it is unusual and special. He analyzed that he was a“final solution” with a clear political belief, that is, a national socialist who voluntarily and actively participated in the Holocaust. This study analyzes how Arendt and Stannett’s Eichmann interpretation differs, the confrontation between the two interpretations cannot be resolved, and the practical implications for peacebuilding and democratic citizenship education today. A multi-layered understanding of the nature of evil is provided by the two works’ differing perspectives and approaches to Eichmann. It also provides valuable points in peace research, democratic citizenship education, and the establishment of private ethics. It also raises the question of what kind of ‘ethical sensitivity’ and ‘political analysis skills’ we must possess in order to build a peaceful and ethical world.

This paper offers a gendered analysis of the experiences of secondary school students in the fight against oppression in Rhodesia. Using case studies from mission boarding secondary schools in southwest Rhodesia, the article discusses the daily realities of secondary school girls during Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle (circa 1966–1979). This analysis is framed through the lenses of Critical Pedagogy and gender analysis. Guided by Paulo Freire’s concepts of critical consciousness, the study examines various forms of oppression at the school level and analyses the effects of racialised colonial educational policies and guerrilla war teachings in awakening activism among girl students. Archival records, oral histories, and secondary texts were the sources interrogated. It was discovered that while the major struggle was against colonial rule, forms of oppression also existed at the school level. Girls in secondary schools fought against such oppression through strikes, rumourmongering, and repurposing domestic skills for the war effort. The study concludes that these everyday acts of resistance, often overlooked, were central to the war's logistical and moral fabric, challenging the dominant masculinist historiography. Thus, the girls’ dual identity as learners and activists tested the masculinist framing of the liberation war. Therefore, there is a need for narratives of girls to be elevated in liberation discourses, as they were not only collaborators but also active participants in the birth of a post-colonial Zimbabwe. Consequently, this study subscribes to decolonial feminist historiography, repositioning schooling as a site of the girl child’s struggle for empowerment and social transformation.

Pakistan became an independent state in 1947 but its legal system did not change as deeply as its political status. Many of the laws, institutions and legal practices that exist in Pakistan today were adopted or taken from British colonial rule. This article examines legal system of Pakistan through a decolonial lens by focusing on three interconnected ideas: the colonisation of law, the continuation of colonial legal authority after independence and the ongoing struggle for decolonial justice. It argues that colonial law was mainly designed to control society and protect state authority rather than to deliver justice to the people. After independence, Pakistan kept/followed much of this legal structure which permitted colonial impact to survive in a new political form. However Pakistan has tried/ struggled to change its legal system through constitutional development and new law-making, colonial influence remains apparent in criminal justice, administration, court, and legal education. This article displays that decoloniality of law in Pakistan is not a completed achievement but continued and difficult struggle that needs institutional and intellectual changing.

Abstract In the Roman imperial worldview, masculine, civilized Rome saw a duty to control and care for uncivilized, feminine foreigners—a gendered power dynamic shared by more recent colonizing states as well. However, it is a methodological challenge to catch sight of the way such a worldview may have impacted colonial subjects. I examine the impact in Roman Britain and Gaul by applying a symbolic anthropological approach to a well-suited body of evidence, votive offerings: widely accessible and highly individual, each represents a single symbolic act. Taking up archaeological questions of material symbolism, I analyse the confluence of gender and offering material categories. Analysis of objects men and women offered at 10 sanctuaries in Britain and Gaul, and of the materials in which men and women were portrayed, reveals a permeability–impermeability binary: women are associated with breakable clay, porous bone and translucent glass, and men with strong, durable metal. This binary reflects Roman understandings of femininity and masculinity, shedding light on the fraught relationship between colonial rule and gendered understandings of the world.

This article examines the formation of the Indian and Pakistani diaspora within a historical context, analyzing the causes of migration, the challenges faced, and how these challenges are reflected in Urdu poetry. With the end of British colonial rule, India and Pakistan were divided into two separate states based on religious foundations, leading to one of the largest mass migrations of the 20th century. This process forced millions of people to abandon their homes, witnessed inhumane events, and resulted in a large-scale population exchange. Migrants, often driven by economic factors such as unemployment and poverty, sought to achieve better living standards in various parts of the world. Other significant reasons for migration included the pursuit of educational opportunities and family reunification. Migrants arriving in new countries frequently encountered language barriers, which hindered their possibility to find employment, access education, and navigate daily life. Moreover, efforts to adapt to a new culture brought additional challenges, including discrimination, racism, and alienation. Indian and Pakistani diaspora poets emphasize the significant role of the Urdu language in preserving their native language and cultural identity. Through Urdu poetry, the article focuses on the difficulties faced by migrants and the experiences of diaspora writers, shedding light on migrant issues. In this context, this article employs a qualitative study based on textual analysis focusing on the Indian and Pakistani diaspora, and explores the social, economic, and cultural dimensions of migration.

Starting near the close of the nineteenth century, the construction of permanent, covered markets in Cyprus represented a substantial shift away from the traditional open-air street marketplace or bazaar. Market life in Cyprus had long been influenced by the prevailing civilizations, as the island lies at the crossroads of historic trade routes in the Eastern Mediterranean. However, the definitive form of the marketplace emerged with the modern governance and urban reforms introduced during British colonial rule (1878-1960). This new form was the Municipal Market Hall (MMH), where occidental and oriental retail codes of conduct, ethics, and traditions intermingled. The coexistence of Medieval, Ottoman, and British colonial elements in retail spaces and practices gave rise to a distinctive urban form and served as evidence of a multifaceted public life shaped by the dominant forces of the modern era. Thus, MMHs became key artifacts associated with colonial modernity in Cyprus.

Abstract Following the advent of psychiatry, neurology, and brain science in Japan during the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, this new knowledge was rapidly disseminated throughout the network of Japanese Imperial Universities. It reached colonial Korea via the recently established Keijō Imperial University. However, medical knowledge was also deployed as a vehicle to propagate racist ideologies. In 1921, Japanese anatomist Kubo Takeshi made an unsubstantiated accusation against Korean students, claiming that they had stolen from his cranial collection. His accusation was underpinned by the assumption that the racial constitution of the accused was inferior, making them more prone to commit theft. The ‘Kubo incident’ provides an illustrative example of scientifically disguised discrimination. The aim of this paper is to elucidate the subtle racist implications of neuroanatomy and neuropathology. By circumventing visible physiognomy, the discovery of hidden features of the brain enabled a narrative fit to maintain racial hierarchies within a changing colonial regime, one that was increasingly consolidating power through assimilation rather than associative differentiation. This historical episode is once again linked to the name Kubo, but this time to a coincidental namesake: Kubo Kiyoji, professor of psychiatry and neurology at Keijō Imperial University. By focusing on Kubo Kiyoji, and various contributions to the Keijō Journal of Medicine and the Folia Psychiatrica et Neurologica Japonica , this paper uncovers discursive entanglements between the neuro-turn in medicine and colonial rule in the early–twentieth century Korea.

Teacher education is a fundamental concept of every educational system. It is closely linked to society and shaped by a nation’s ethics, society, culture, and character. In India, teacher education in the modern era was significantly influenced by British colonial rule. Different committees were established to evaluate the system of teacher education and training during the British era. This study attempted to examine the history of teacher training in Colonial Bengal, British India. It aimed to explain when and why teacher training was institutionalized as a system of education during British India, with a particular reference to Bengal province. The study further aimed to identify and clarify the genesis, history, and nature of the teacher training institutions and their role in a historical context. The article provided a detailed case study of key institutions, notably David Hare Training College, Calcutta (1908), Patna Training College (1908), and Teachers’ Training College, Dacca (1910), highlighting their origins, curricula, staffing patterns, pedagogical approaches, and institutional challenges. The study revealed how these colleges functioned as a site for disseminating modern pedagogical ideas, emphasizing practical teaching, educational philosophy, and professional ideals of teaching.

During the colonial era, France pursued a policy of direct control over its colonies in Africa. After its independence and liberation from French colonialism during the period from 1956 to 1977, France sought by all means to ensure its control over its former colonies. To this end, it adopted the France-Afrique policy. However, this policy became widely rejected by African countries, both officially and popularly, forcing France to reconsider its policy towards Africa. This shift was most clearly evident after French President Emmanuel Macron assumed power in 2017, adopting a new policy towards Africa and expanding the scope of his activities to African regions not previously under French colonial rule. During his visits to Africa, he focused on several issues, including food security, development, entrepreneurship, human rights, democracy, education, and culture.

ABSTRACT This article examines labour recruitment and work regimes in two distinct yet structurally comparable sectors of the German colonial economy: coffee cultivation in German East Africa and diamond mining in German South West Africa. Although separated by geography and differing in their economic logic, both sectors faced a central challenge: the persistent difficulty of securing and retaining indigenous labour. Drawing on company reports and administrative correspondence, the article explores how recruitment was organised, who the key actors were, and under what conditions, promises, and incentives workers were engaged. It also considers the lived experiences of those recruited and the extent to which they were able to exert agency within restrictive colonial frameworks. By comparing coffee and diamonds as colonial commodities, the article not only reveals patterns of labour exploitation and adaptation but also revisits the methodological value of comparison in colonial historiography. It argues that economic-historical approaches, especially those attentive to global trade routes and commodity flows, offer important insights into the structures and contradictions of colonial rule, insights that remain relevant well beyond the formal end of the German colonial empire.

Background and Objectives: In the late 18th century, the Hmong migrated to Vietnam, primarily settling in the north. While recent scholarship has examined their cultural, social, and economic life, their historical political landscape remains underexplored. Lai Châu province, a major Hmong hub, offers rich insights into this area, as the community has significantly shaped local culture and history. This study investigates the origins and evolution of Hmong authority in Lai Châu, focusing on political engagement, cultural preservation, and intra- and intergroup relations. Methodology: The research draws on the theories of Max Weber, Joseph Raz, and Hannah Arendt, employing qualitative methods—interviews, questionnaires, and participant observation—supplemented by quantitative survey data and secondary sources. Interviews were conducted with pastors, elders, and villagers, alongside questionnaires given to 44 Hmong Christian and Catholic informants. Participant observation over 2024–2025 deepened understanding of community dynamics, with data systematically organized using Google Forms. Main Results: Historically, Lai Châu’s Hmong communities were governed by traditional authority, with matriarchal kinship central to social structure. Leaders included the village chief (thawj tswv zog), deputy (lwm tswv zog), elders (cov laug zog), and shamans (txiv neeb), who oversaw ceremonies and rituals. Despite French colonial and Kinh administrative pressures, Hmong villages preserved their governance systems and even organized military groups for defense until 1954. Authority combined traditional chiefs, religious leaders, and, increasingly, diminished shamanic influence. Village chiefs and deputies were elected, fostering a democratic ethos resistant to centralized power. Modern Hmong still value political autonomy, often favoring native leaders over state-appointed officials. Discussions: Authority within the Hmong societies of Lai Châu has evolved according to two of the three types put forward by Max Weber (1978) and is present in both traditional and modern societies. Hmong people have so far respected the authority exercised by native chiefs, the elderly, and religious dignitaries rather than formal authority weilded by other ethnic groups. The role of democracy is also important to the exercise of authority as argued by Arendt (2006). This article asserts that elements of the discourse on authority, as argued by the aforementioned researchers, are applicable to the historical evolution of Hmong authority, and is well-preserved alongside cultural heritage of the Hmong people. Conclusions: This article explores the evolution of authority within Hmong societies in Lai Châu province, highlighting the complex interplay of traditional and modern power structures. Traditionally, Hmong authority was centered around the village chief, elders, and shamans, with a matriarchal kinship system that persisted even during colonial rule. In modern times, authority is distributed between elected village chiefs, charismatic religious leaders, and the remnants of traditional practices, while the influence of the shaman has waned. The article also examines how Hmong communities navigate the tension between traditional leadership and the formal governance imposed by the Vietnamese state, reflecting their resistance to complete assimilation and a preference for indigenous forms of authority.

ABSTRACT To what extent are preferences for individual versus collective rights shaped by historical experiences, particularly colonialism? To answer this question, we conducted field studies in Fiji, a former British colony, home to two populations with distinct histories of colonial subjugation. We reasoned that for Indigenous iTaukei, for whom collective rights were stripped, prioritizing group rights on issues tied to colonial harm would be seen as essential for cultural survival. Contrastingly, we reasoned that Indo‐Fijians (descendants of indentured laborers brought to Fiji under colonial rule) would prefer equal rights for all. In Study 1, we assessed attitudes toward equality across various social and political issues, finding that iTaukei were less likely to endorse equality, particularly concerning land ownership. Study 2 explored iTaukei perceptions of land rights, revealing that they view granting Indo‐Fijians land access as a threat to their identity and survival. Study 3 explored support for democratic norms, themselves an artifact of Western legal thinking imposed upon Fiji. While support for democratic norms was high in abstract, members of both groups were more supportive of democratic violations when such violations served their group's interests. Findings highlight the lasting psychological impact of colonialism, demonstrating how historical grievances shape reasoning about rights and governance in postcolonial societies. Understanding these dynamics provides insight into contemporary intergroup conflict and the tension between universal democratic principles and Indigenous collective rights. This work contributes to broader discussions on decolonization and underscores the need for culturally sensitive approaches to human rights discourse.

This paper interrogates the meanings, praxis and theoretical implication(s) of cinematic adaptation as a safeguard for Ghana’s ailing operatic arts using The Lost Fishermen folk opera as a case. It explores the extent to which the underlying objective to safeguard, the peculiarity of the operatic art as one genre that privileges integration of music with drama, as well as medium change foreground (in)fidelity as a key contextual issue in the determination of success of the project. Saka Acquaye (1923-2007) pioneered the art form in the nationalist spirit of Ghana’s political independence from colonial rule in 1957 and its immediate aftermath. Some 30 years after it premiered, however, the once highly popular genre was already in danger of extinction. Kwame Crenstil’s piloted film adaptation in June 2023 is part of the search for a viable safeguard for the endangered genre. The paper argues that cinematic adaptation for the purpose of safeguarding ought to be seen, primarily, in terms of composite audio-visual documentation. Since adaptation is inherently subject to the vagaries of representation, notions of fidelity on which the success of safeguarding hangs, cannot mean exact reproduction due to the change of medium, but in terms of the degree to which the resultant story resembles the referent.

Abstract This article explores the implications of the absence of central political authority on Islamic jurisprudence in pre-colonial Mauritania. It examines how Saharan jurists, in the absence of a sultan, assumed de facto authority to uphold shariʿa, thereby legitimizing the local Muslim community and its internal alliances. These jurists adapted Mālikī jurisprudence to the socio-political and economic challenges particular to the desert environment, using flexible principles and tools of ijtihād. This adaptability enabled them to address complex legal issues, including interactions with mustaghriqī al-dhimma, management of tributes imposed by the Banī Ḥassān, the adoption of pecuniary penalties in place of retributive measures to prevent tribal conflicts, and the expansion of the ʿāqila concept. Furthermore, their approach facilitated the controversial recognition of French colonial rule. The study highlights the intricate relationship between shariʿa and siyāsa and commends further research into the nawāzil heritage of the Mālikī school, to deepen our understanding of how Islamic jurisprudence adapts across diverse political contexts.

This study examines the role of Chinese representatives in the British colonial administration at the federal level in the Federated Malay States between 1909 until 1927. The effectiveness of governance and administration was a key concern for the British in maintaining their colonial rule, and the involvement of the Chinese community formed part of this strategic framework. While previous research has primarily focused on Chinese participation in economic sectors such as mining and trade, this study highlights their administrative contributions, which have received comparatively less scholarly attention. In particular, the analysis centres on the appointment and function of Chinese members within the Federal Council (Majlis Mesyuarat Persekutuan), a formal legislative body under British colonial governance. Using a qualitative approach through library based research, this study draws on official records specifically the Shorthand Report of the Proceedings of the Federal Council- as well as secondary sources. The findings reveal that five appointed Chinese representatives actively safeguarded the interests, welfare and social development of the Chinese community through their involvement in key areas such as mining, plantations, education, labour, health, welfare, and land administration. Their roles extended beyond economic advocacy, encompassing broader social issues including urban settlement, schooling, opium consumption, gambling and prostitution. This study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the Chinese community’s engagement in colonial governance and challenges the predominant focus on Malay administrative participation in existing historiography.

What does it mean to live in the specter of death, both literal and symbolic? How does it feel to witness the plausibility of the destruction of one’s peoplehood? This paper investigates the multifaceted presence of death in the lives of Palestinian citizens in Israel, situating their experience within the broader sociological literature on death and structural violence, and the colonizing of emotions. While historical tactics in settler colonial cases have ranged from displacement to genocide depending on a convergence of factors, a persistent feature across colonized experience is the specter of death—felt and anticipated. The article examines four intersecting forms of death: (1) The proliferating crisis of intracommunal crime and homicide; (2) the imposition of social death through settler colonial practices in the wake of the war; (3) the affective and political experience of witnessing the genocide against Palestinians in Gaza since October 2023; and (4) the convergence of material and symbolic violences, including the constant threat of incidental death. Through a critical engagement with sociological theories of death—particularly as they relate to biopolitics, necropolitics, and indigenous survivance—the paper conceptualizes death not as an endpoint but as a sociopolitical condition under settler colonial rule. In doing so, it foregrounds how Palestinians confront the colonizing of emotions and articulate forms of endurance, refusal, and collective meaning-making amid conditions of ongoing elimination.

On 24th October 2024, Zambia commemorated sixty years of independence from British colonial rule. To celebrate its diamond jubilee, the Zambian government announced the theme “Honoring Our Heritage, Embracing Our Future Beyond.” The government and private actors organized a series of events to mark the occasion. Like years prior, the key activities included: wreath-laying ceremonies where state officials and citizens laid wreaths at the Freedom Statue to honor those who fought for independence, recognition of distinguished citizens, parades, public lectures, educational debates, and a presidential address stressing the importance of unity and peace for Zambia’s continued economic progress. Aside from the official 60th independence song, performed by nine Zambian singers and groups, the creative community was notably absent from the official celebrations. There was no comparable marker of creative writing progress since independence, nor was there a celebration of the country’s current state of literary production.

ABSTRACT The Interbellum period was marked by heated debates among proponents of different legal regimes governing the colonial order across the British Empire in the years after the Great War. These discussions reflected theoretical and doctrinal tensions between military and civilian authorities over the boundaries of their respective responsibilities in this matter, as well as contradictions between international law and internal security within imperial context. The article examines shifts in the military class’s attitudes to the use of force in maintaining the Empire’s internal security after the Great War in the light of legal restrictions and new challenges to colonial rule, primarily those posed by national movements. The study focuses on the views of British army officials regarding the legal frameworks for crisis management in the colonies, including the objectives, tasks, and conditions for imposing martial law and/or emergency regimes. This research perspective offers a fresh lens on the evolution of administrative practices during the twilight years of the British Empire. The article outlines the distinctive features of Britain’s ‘imperial school’ of military thought, while emphasising the growing role of the armed forces alongside the declining utility of other instruments for preserving colonial rule in dependent territories.

The objective of the paper is to assess the processes, methods, and challenges of de-bureaucratization of the public sector in Africa This study adopted historical approach to administrative research and used secondary sources of information. The study observed that under-development of state bureaucracy arose from the legacy of authoritarian nature of colonial rule, unethical behavior of public servants, skewed recruitment process, lack of competition among others. The paper concludes that if right strategies such as adequate funding of privatized organizations, technological development, good governance, itemization, and right pursuance of developmental agenda by the state favorable industrial policy environment, the public sector dynamism will be attained.

Al-Madafah (the guesthouse) is a cornerstone of the cultural and social fabric of Sweida Province in southern Syria. Rooted in the Druze community’s history following their settlement in Jabal al-Arab in the 17th century, these structures have served as spaces for hospitality, cultural exchange, political resistance, and community cohesion. Despite their significance, scholarly research on Madafahs in Sweida remains limited. This article examines their architectural design, socio-cultural roles, and historical evolution to uncover this understudied tradition and advance conservation efforts for this heritage. Combining archival research, case studies, and oral histories from residents and experts, this study employs narrative analysis to decode the cultural meanings embedded in these spaces. Findings reveal that Madafahs are more than architectural landmarks; they serve as living embodiments of resilience, cultural pride, and communal identity, fostering social cohesion, while their basalt stone construction reflects Jabal al-Arab’s vernacular heritage. Historically, they hosted revolutionary activities against colonial rule. Today, urbanisation and economic pressures threaten their traditional role, yet they endure as symbols of continuity. This study highlights Madafahs as valuable heritage sites and cradles for narratives of magnanimity and defiance. Collaborative efforts between stakeholders and policymakers could revitalise these spaces, ensuring that their legacy persists amid modern challenges.