Cold Anger Research Articles

The role of spectral and temporal cues for vocal emotion recognition by cochlear implant simulations

It has been known that cochlear implant (CI) listeners have difficulty in vocal emotion perception. Researches on vocal emotion perception of CI listeners have been studying ways to simulate responses of CI listeners by using noise-vocoded speech (NVS) as CI simulations with normal-hearing listeners. The purpose of this study is to clarify the relative contributions of spectral and temporal cues in vocal emotion recognition for NVS. In the simulation, the spectral cue can be numbers of speech processing channels are 4, 8, and 16. The cutoff frequency of the envelope filters ranged from 0 to 64 Hz. Sentences were produced by one female talker according to five target emotions: neutral, joy, cold anger, sadness, and hot anger. As a result, the recognition rates significantly improved as the cutoff frequency was increased for all emotions. Moreover, the number of channels only effect the recognition rate of neutral, joy, and cold anger. The results suggest that temporal cues contribute to vocal emotion recog...

Recognition of vocal emotion in noise-vocoded speech by normal hearing and cochlear implant listeners

Chatterjee et al. (2015) reported that cochlear implant (CI) listeners have difficulty recognizing vocal emotions due to the limited spectral cues provided by CI devices. Researches on vocal emotion perception of CI listeners have been studying ways to simulate responses of CI listeners by using noise-vocoded speech (NVS) as CI simulations with normal-hearing (NH) listeners. However, it is still unclear whether the results of CI simulations with NH listeners are reliable with regards to CI listeners. This study aims to clarify whether CI listeners can perceive vocal emotion the same way as NH listeners with NVS do. Vocal-emotion recognition experiments were carried out by having both NH and CI listeners listen to original emotional speech and its NVS. The results for CI listeners revealed that they recognized sadness and hot anger more easily than joy and cold anger in both original emotional speech and NVS conditions. Moreover, the results for NH listeners with NVS showed the same trend. The results sugg...

Hot or Cold Anger? Verbal and Vocal Expression of Anger While Driving in a Simulated Anger-Provoking Scenario

Extensive research has examined the relationship between driving anger and risky behavior; however, little is known about how drivers express and regulate anger while driving. The present study was designed to examine the verbal and acoustic correlates of driving anger, as well as whether emotion regulation strategies such as cognitive reappraisal are effective at reducing the outward expression of anger while driving. Forty-four participants were asked to drive in an emotionally neutral and an anger-provoking simulated driving scenarios, while their driving behavior as well as their speech was recorded. Participants were randomly assigned to two experimental conditions, with one group receiving instructions to reappraise the anger-provoking events and a control group receiving no instructions. Results show that in the anger-provoking scenario, participants exhibited more violations, horn-honking, and cursing. Few acoustic variations were detected and were compatible with the acoustic profile of cold anger rather than with the one of hot anger expression. Finally, reappraisal reduced the number of violations only. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Can you hear what I feel? A validated prosodic set of angry, happy, and neutral Italian pseudowords.

This contribution aims to establish a set of validated vocal Italian pseudowords that convey three emotional tones (angry, happy, and neutral) for prosodic emotionalprocessing research. We elaborated the materials by following a series of specific steps. First, we tested the valence of a set of written pseudowords generated by specific software. Two Italian actors (male and female) then recorded the resulting subset of linguistically legal and neutral pseudowords in three emotional tones. Finally, on the basis of the results of independent ratings of emotional intensity, we selected a set of 30 audio stimuli expressed in each of the three different emotions. Acoustic analyses indicated that the prosodic indexes of fundamental frequency, vocal intensity, and speech rate anchored individual perceptions of the emotions expressed. Finally, the acoustic profile of the set of emotional stimuli confirmed previous findings. The happy tone stimuli showed high f0 values, high intensity, high pitch variability, and a faster speech rate. The angry tone stimuli were also characterized by high f0 and intensity, but by relatively smaller pitch variability and a lower speech rate. This last profile echoes the description of "cold anger." This new set of prosodic emotion stimuli will constitute a useful resource for future research that requires emotional prosody materials. It could be used both for Italian and for cross-language studies.

Civic Renewal And Inequality

ions do not point to an external target whose actions or policies must be changed. If pollution is the problem and are all polluters, then are the target of the action. are the in such frames and neither agent nor target is a col Individualizing Citizenship. Encouraging citizen participation as individuals is much less threatening to the beneficiaries of existing power inequalities than is encouraging groups of citizens to attempt to articulate and develop a sense of themselves as a community capable of engaging in col lective action. The latter increases the possibility of collective action while the former does not. And collective action Absent an injustice component, it is difficult to see how the civic renewal master frame promotes such a sense. If there is no designated as the target or the they is an abstraction such as the decline of Community/1 then the we tends to become a pool of individual citizens rather than a potential collective actor lective actor. Cold anger directed toward abstractions is difficult if not impossible to sustain. Dropping or over looking the more threatening concep tion of the citizenry as potential collective actors seems a natural out come in the civic renewal master frame. One can see this tendency operating in the various civic or public journal ism projects that the authors describe. There is certainly a collective compo nent in those experiments when citizens by groups of relatively powerless citizens can easily take a dis ruptive form in which the relatively powerful become the tar gets. Students of social movements use the concept of a collective action frame, i.e., emergent, action-oriented sets of beliefs and meanings that inspire and legitimate social movement activities and campaigns.4 Ryan and Gamson have emphasized the close relationship between an injustice component and the collective agency component of such frames.5 An injustice frame consid ers collective injuries, not individual ones. What one has suf fered individually is shared by some implied we. If an unfair situation is regarded as immutable, it is not likely to lead to moral indignation; an injustice frame implies the pos sibility of change. Otherwise, says life is fair. The injus tice component combines emotion and cognition?it is what psychologists call a cognition. Indignation exerts a push toward action and predisposes a sympathetic response toward those who attempt it. At one point, Sirianni and Friedland suggest that rather than hot cognitions, what need is anger. But this is mere wordplay, since cold anger is a hot cognition, and the argument being made by those who emphasize an injustice frame is that it channels emotion into an effective strategy. It allows the fire to burn in a controlled fashion where it can continue to fuel and convene in discussion groups to talk about the issues that concern them. They learn something about what others are thinking but there is no effort or encouragement to constitute themselves as a community of action. The boldness of the muckrakers of a hundred years ago in speaking truth to power seems to contrast with the meekness of most civic jour nalism efforts. The idea of these citizens becoming advocacy groups with journalists becoming mouthpieces for their causes is what crit ics of the civic journalism movement fear. Its advocates disown such a model. They are helping citizens to articulate their shared concerns so that journalists can push politicians and public offi cials to address them. Being a medium is not being an advocate. The danger of treating the citizenry as merely an aggregate of individuals rather than as potential collective actors is that it turns them into clients to be served. This clientalization of the citizenry tends to subvert the stated desire of the civic renewal movement to empower them. The abandoned social justice frame contains the antidote to this tendency. Narrowing the Scope of Conflict. The Media Research and Action Project (MRAP), which I co direct with Charlotte Ryan, fits comfortably into Sirianni and Friedland's description of the civic renewal movement. We work

From “blame by praise” to “praise by blame”: Analysis of vocal patterns in ironic communication

From a communication psychology point of view, irony is not only a rhetorical figure or a cunning linguistic device, but also an articulated strategy for a flexible negotiation of meaning, as well as for establishing and maintaining relations with others. Within the “irony family” phenomena our attention is focused on the sarcastic irony generated in a conflict context (“praise by blame”) and on the kind irony produced in a cooperation context (“blame by praise”). The effects of the variability of contextual cues on the vocal variables (Fo, energy, time) of irony were studied. Through the analysis of the vocal features of standard phrases in a conflict or cooperation context, an ironic dominant pattern has been found consisting of caricatured vocal traits, although differences referring to the two ironic expressions came out. From a subject‐by‐subject analysis, four ironic patterns were obtained: (1) in the cooperation context (a) a rather high and changeable pitch and strong energy (“bantering” joy) were observed, as well as (b) a low and monotone pitch and strong energy (emphatic mark of tenderness); (2) in the conflict context (a) a very high and changeable pitch, strong energy, and slow rate of articulation (“accented banter”) were found, as well as (b) a low and not very changeable pitch, slow rate of articulation, and steadily soft energy (like scorn and cold anger). Following these four vocal patterns, the ironic voice could be defined as a “voice of banter.” In such a way, irony appears as a method used to manipulate the weight of indirect speech, which allows the efficacy of the word and the innocence of silence. Moreover, the ironist can be described as an able director of his own image, able to play with the voice. Within social relationships, in fact, he can use his own voice for calibrating strategically his ways of (un)masking himself to the others.

Acoustic characteristics of vocal emotions simulated by actors.

This paper reports on a set of acoustic measures of vocal emotions simulated by a skilled actor and actress who read 12 short sentences. The emotions simulated were Neutral, Cold Anger, Hot Anger, Happiness, Sadness, Interest, and Elation. Acoustic measures were examined for digitised samples of the 168 sentences (2 speakers x 12 sentences x 7 emotions). These measures included the over-all mean energy, standard deviations of energy, mean fundamental frequency, mean values of the first six formant frequencies and their corresponding frequency bandwidths, mean durations of utterance, and mean articulation rate. Results displayed both similarities and differences in the acoustic measures of the two actors' simulations of the different emotions. These are presented and discussed.

Note on Voice and Perturbation Measures in Simulated Vocal Emotions

This brief study presents and discusses a set of acoustic correlates for a number of vocal emotions (neutral, cold anger, hot anger, happiness, sadness, interest, and elation) simulated by two actors. Five short all-voiced sentences were used in the simulations. The 70 sentences (2 actors x 5 sentences x 7 emotions) were digitised and a number of acoustic analyses were carried out, which included a number of voice and perturbation measures.

Bodily expression of emotion

The question whether body movements and body postures are indicative of specific emotions is a matter of debate. While some studies have found evidence for specific body movements accompanying specific emotions, others indicate that movement behavior (aside from facial expression) may be only indicative of the quantity (intensity) of emotion, but not of its quality. The study reported here is an attempt to demonstrate that body movements and postures to some degree are specific for certain emotions. A sample of 224 video takes, in which actors and actresses portrayed the emotions of elated joy, happiness, sadness, despair, fear, terror, cold anger, hot anger, disgust, contempt, shame, guilt, pride, and boredom via a scenario approach, was analyzed using coding schemata for the analysis of body movements and postures. Results indicate that some emotion-specific movement and posture characteristics seem to exist, but that for body movements differences between emotions can be partly explained by the dimension of activation. While encoder (actor) differences are rather pronounced with respect to specific movement and posture habits, these differences are largely independent from the emotion-specific differences found. The results are discussed with respect to emotion-specific discrete expression models in contrast to dimensional models of emotion encoding. Copyright © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Cold Anger: A Story of Faith and Power Politics.

Cold Anger: A Story of Faith and Power Politics.