Cognitive Mobilization Research Articles

Filling the EU information deficit mitigates negative EU attitudes among the least knowledgeable. Evidence from a population-based survey experiment

ABSTRACT The cognitive mobilisation thesis suggests that increasing knowledge on the European Union (EU) would lead to increased support for the institution. We test this with a strategic case whereby we provide information on the EU’s subsidiarity principle to the citizenry of a small member state and examine whether it mitigates negative EU attitudes. In an original, pre-registered, population-based survey experiment conducted with members of a panel representative of the Dutch population, respondents were assigned randomly to a control group or a treatment: a professionally produced information video mimicking EU communications. Along with estimating the overall treatment effects, based on extant literature we assess whether these effects are moderated by the respondents’ prior EU knowledge and level of populist attitudes. Consistent with the information deficit theory, we find that information provision decreases negative attitudes among the least knowledgeable. We discuss the implications of our findings and provide suggestions for further research.

Influence of social media usage on students’ political participation in a selected university in South Africa

This paper articulates the influence of social media on university students’ political participation in a South African University. The aspects of political participation the study will be examining are the voting process, political awareness, political debates, mass meetings, and political campaigns. The objectives of the study are to investigate the extent of social media usage by students and how social media influences the political participation of students. Dalton’s theory on cognitive mobilization theory of civic literacy and participation is employed in this study to explain social media’s influence and political participation. The study utilised the mixed-method approach, where 120 respondents were drawn from the target population through stratified sampling techniques. On the one hand, for the quantitative strand of the study, data were collected through a survey and analysed using relevant descriptive analytical tools. On the other hand, thematic and content analysis was utilised to analyse semi-structured interviews. While a huge majority of the participants indicated that they used various social media platforms, it is evident that WhatsApp is the preferred social media application used by respondents. It is also evident that social media usage influences students’ political participation, especially for males. The findings also suggest that most students, especially females mainly use their social media platforms for entertainment purposes, exhibiting low rates of political participation. A few recommendations are made in the study regarding the issues of low rates of political participation among university students.

THE ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN VOTER’S MOBILIZATION IN NIGERIA’S 2023 GENERAL ELECTIONS'

The 2023 Nigeria general elections have presented to scholars, analysts and observers with several issues, dynamics and developments to digest. Arguably, top among the issues is the power/influence ofsocial media in the process of voter’s mobilization. Social media has continued to break many age-old social barriers, and at the same time building bridges for the consolidation of intra and inter group relationship and consciousness. Nothing could have amplified this development better than the2023 general elections in Nigeria. The 2023 general elections in Nigeria witnessed a huge engagement of the people in pre-election, during election and postelection periods, which heightened tensions and created serious uncertainty in the outcome of the elections. Prior to the 2023 general elections, a lot of Nigerians appeared to have lost interest in the electoral process, yet there appeared to be level of engagement in the electoral process by the citizens especially throughthe social media. Although, some other factors may have accounted for the level of voter’s mobilization witnessed in the 2023 general elections, the role of social media deserved a systematic evaluation. Hence, this paper examines the role of social media in voter’s mobilization in Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. This paper will be anchored on the theory of cognitive mobilization as propounded by Russell Dalton in 1984 as it theoretical framework of analysis. Qualitative research design will be adopted, and through the use of secondary sources, relevant data relating to the objectives of the paper will be generated, and analyzed using content analysis method. The paper found that social media was very instrumental to mobilizing the youth population in Nigeria to participate in the electoral process. Thus, the paper recommends an improved use of social media by candidates for political offices and political officeholder in communicating with the people as it provides for effective and efficient connection between them and the people.

Media Contents and Youths’ Attitudes toward Nigeria’s Political Activities

Purpose: A politically engaged individual will pay close attention on various subjects related to public space or collective concerns, such as the environment, public policy, human rights, elections, and other relevant factors. Political apathy, on the other hand, refers to a general state of indifference towards the events and governance of one’s political locality. Therefore, this study examined the relationship between media contents and youths’ attitudes toward Nigeria’s political activities.
 Methodology: This study was anchored on Cognitive Mobilisation Theory. The study adopted the correlation survey research design. The study targeted Nigerian youths aged 18-35. Stratified and convenience sampling techniques were used in selecting the respondents. The study utilized a self-designed questionnaire called the Media Political Education Contents and Youths’ Attitudes, Questionnaire (MEYPQ). Copies of the questionnaire were electronically administered using (https://docs.google.com). The Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to process the data, which was presented as frequency distributions for all items in charts and tables, the mean, and standard deviation.
 Findings: Findings from the study show that 435 (80.2%) of the respondents accessed political education contents on social media, 405 respondents (75%) accessed such content via digital media, 403 (74.5%) accessed through graphics/digital graphics, 74.14% (400) accessed via electronics/broadcast, and 62.64% (338) of the respondents have accessed or seen political education via print media. The attitude of Nigerian youths towards political activities is positive (Weighted Mean = 2.56; S.D = 0.87). An increase in media education contents will lead to an increase in attitudes of Nigerian youths towards political activities by 0.861.
 Recommendations: The study recommends that political stakeholders should use the opportunities presented by the media to change the apathetic and hostile attitudes of youths towards political actors and activities into trust, acceptance, cooperation and support.

¿Compromiso o desafección política? El impacto del desalineamiento partidista y la movilización cognitiva sobre las actitudes políticas de los mexicanos en la campaña presidencial de 2018

Se analizaron los patrones de compromiso y desafección políticos entre cuatro grupos relevantes de ciudadanos a partir de sus niveles de partidismo y de movilización cognitiva. Los resultados revelan diferencias significativas entre grupos, con aquellos con mayor grado de movilización cognitiva (partidistas cognitivos y apartidistas) exhibiendo niveles superiores de eficacia política interna, así como menor apatía política cuando se les compara con los grupos con bajos valores en esta variable (partidistas rituales y apolíticos).

The Europeanisation of political involvement: Examining the role of individual transnationalism

In this paper we investigate the association between transnationalism, that is, interactions and cultural competences that cut across European Union (EU) member states, and supranational political engagement. Generally, it is thought that EU citizens’ participation in EU politics is hampered by the perception that the EU is too distant and too technocratic. Against this backdrop, we propose that transnationalism contributes to reducing this perception, as transnational individuals feel part of a supranational community and are thus more likely to get involved in EU politics than if their cross-border experience is absent or poor. Generalised structural equation models with a latent variable of EU-level political involvement (based on cognitive mobilisation, efficacy, and self-reported voting in European Parliament elections) return significant associations with transnational experiences and practices.

Accessibility to the Media, Sense of Efficacy and Cognitive Mobilization in the Face of Covid/Post-Covid School Reforms: Part-Time School for Exam Candidates

Being always confronted with performance, the notion of sense of efficacy has so far been regularly deployed in normal situations. However, in a school context where the part-time system is adopted in reaction to the prevailing health crisis, an invariant such as “the media” is quickly adopted to facilitate the achievement of the objectives of learning; therefore the question that comes to mind is: How the sense of efficacy is forged in media accessibility to no longer directly impact the learner's academic performance but to firstly impact his capacity and level of cognitive mobilization in a part-time system? Links have been established between each of the dimensions of sense of efficacy which are: personal (SPE), collective (SCE), emotional (SEE); and performance / commitment at work. Based on the work of Sherer et al. (1982) translated by Chambon (2004), Deschenes, Dussault and Frenette (2004), Heutte (2011) and in an operational way, this study deals with the question of expressing the correlational proportionality between those three above-mentioned dimensions of the sense of efficacy and cognitive mobilization. A correlational evaluation was used on a sample of 54 students in examination classes at the Japoma high school (Douala-Cameroon). An inventory of feeling of efficiency adapted from three scales on the SPE, SCE and SEE and cognitive mobilization is used to evaluate the major concepts of the study. The outcomes of the analysis of variances teste the research hypotheses and indicate / imply the need to mutualize the sense of personal, collective and emotional efficacy, for a good development of knowledge and the effectiveness of cognitive/metacognitive strategies in the covidic and post-covidic context.

Voter expectations of government formation in coalition systems: The importance of the information context

AbstractCan voters in multi‐party systems predict which coalition will form the government with any degree of accuracy? To date, studies which explore voter expectations of coalition formation have emphasized individual level attributes, such as education, but the complexity of the environment at the time the coalitions are forming should also be consequential in enabling (or handicapping) voters in forming expectations. We examine the relative effects of individual level attributes (e.g., education, cognitive mobilization) versus contextual factors (e.g., information availability) in 19 German state elections and 3 German general elections between 2009 and 2017. We find that the ease of identifiability of alternative future governments varies significantly across multi‐party systems. We find that respondents are more likely to predict governments that they would like to see in office, that have a higher probability of receiving a majority of seats, and that consist of ideologically proximate parties. Combining survey data with a novel indicator of coalition signals, measured through a quantitative text analysis of newspaper coverage, we also find that voters consider positive pre‐election coalition signals when predicting the government. Finally, we find that the information environment is much more relevant for correct coalition predictions than individual‐level characteristics of respondents. Although individual attributes do influence predictive ability, these factors are strongly dominated by the context in which the prediction is taking place. The information environment has by far the largest effect on predicting coalition outcomes. Our results have implications for the literature on strategic voting in multi‐party settings, as well as the literature on accountability.

When Should the People Decide? Public Support for Direct Democracy in Australia

Abstract This article examines the strength of support for direct democracy among Australian citizens, both in general and, in a world-first, across different specific topics. Analysing data from the Australian Constitutional Values Survey, we investigate whether that support is higher among people who are more educated and politically interested (in line with a ‘cognitive mobilisation’ hypothesis) or those who are dissatisfied with politics, with low levels of political trust (‘political disaffection’). The article finds that Australians widely support the use of direct democracy, but especially with respect to constitutional issues and matters of principle that they feel they can readily engage with, whereas parliaments are still seen as best placed to decide more technical matters. The article also finds that support for direct democracy is strongest among politically disaffected citizens, in ways that suggest greater use of direct democracy may have a role to play in addressing decline in political trust in Australia.

Dealigned but mobilized? Insights from a citizen science study on youth political engagement

ABSTRACT Existing research on youth political engagement indicates that adolescents have become dealigned from politics. However, according to cognitive mobilization theories, adolescents may not have turned away from politics per se, but found new avenues for political engagement. We involved adolescents in a citizen science project and investigated the roles of different societal actors in providing such new avenues. A total of 67 adolescents searched for political participation calls in their environment (N = 285). They documented and evaluated each observation via an online coding tool. As each observation is nested within individuals, we ran multilevel regressions. In line with the dealignment hypothesis, the participants rated participation offers from political candidates and parties as least interesting and least identified with such actors. By contrast, they highly identified with citizen movements and perceived their issues as most relevant. High identification with the actor and perceived issue relevance significantly increased the likelihood of participation. In line with cognitive mobilization, adolescents may thus not lack political motivation. However, traditional actors fail to respond to their identity needs and interests.

FORMAÇÃO CONTINUADA: CONSTITUIÇÃO E CONTRIBUIÇÕES PARA A IDENTIDADE DOCENTE

A formacao continuada, como um dos aspectos que tem como papel contribuir para o desenvolvimento profissional do docente, torna-se elemento de investigacao quando se tem como proposito estudar a identidade profissional dos professores. Desse modo, este artigo trata de um recorte da pesquisa intitulada Interface entre processos de formacao continuada e identidade profissional docente que objetivou verificar se a formacao continuada, alem de possibilitar o aperfeicoamento inerente a atividade pedagogica, tambem viabiliza o aporte para o aprimoramento e reconfiguracao da identidade docente. A fim de empreender o estudo, adotaram-se como referencial teorico-metodologico Dubar, Imbernon, Andre e Ludke e Creswell. Refere-se a uma pesquisa de campo na perspectiva qualitativa e os dados foram coletados por meio de entrevistas, com a participacao de dez (10) professores do ensino fundamental da rede municipal da cidade de Sao Paulo. Os resultados sugerem que alguns processos formativos contribuem para a reconfiguracao identitaria docente, por meio de elementos especificos, viabilizados nessas formacoes. Dessa forma, foi possivel desvelar que, na estruturacao dessas formacoes, estavam presentes: a coparticipacao do docente por meio da interacao e integracao no momento da formacao; a mobilizacao cognitiva por intermedio de acoes durante o processo e sobre o tema em estudo e a associacao teoria e pratica viabilizada pela contextualizacao do tema na pratica.

Adesão à democracia e apartidarismo na América Latina: análise multidimensional

Dado o distinto contexto do desenvolvimento contemporâneo das relações dos eleitores com partidos políticos em regimes consolidados e em novas democracias, o presente artigo tem por objetivo avançar na identificação dos preditores da adesão à democracia na América Latina, por meio de modelos hierárquicos que incorporam tanto variáveis estruturais quanto aquelas de nível individual para a explicação do fenômeno, com destaque aos perfis de eleitores que consideram seu refinamento cognitivo e político. Para tanto, construímos modelos que consideram tanto a tese do apartidarismo e a relevância da mobilização cognitiva, em termos individuais, quanto a experiência nacional decorrente do legado democrático. Nossos resultados permitem inferir, por um lado, que o refinamento cognitivo dos eleitores é mais relevante do que o partidarismo com relação ao apoio que tais indivíduos manifestam com relação às diferentes dimensões da democracia, bem como, por outro lado, que a qualidade e a persistência do regime surtem impactos apenas sobre algumas dimensões da democracia.

Veřejná podpora přímé demokracie: Analýza heterogenity politických postojů v České republice

This paper focuses on the sources of popular support for direct democracy in the Czech Republic. The analysis first replicates the standard approaches used in previous scholarly research, testing theories of cognitive mobilisation and alienation using the standard regression modelling approach. The results are, however, somewhat inconclusive, as have been the results of previous empirical research in other European countries. It is hypothesised that one reason for this could be data heterogeneity. Both tested concepts could be valid, but for different social groups, resulting in overall inconclusive results. Therefore, latent class analysis (LCA) is then used to show that in the Czech Republic direct democracy is supported both by people alienated from politics and by those satisfied with democracy and democratic governance. The results of empirical analysis show that support for direct democracy in the Czech Republic cannot be explained by any one theory and that different concepts apply to different groups. The article represents a methodological innovative step in the empirical study of sources of popular support for direct democracy.

The new electoral power brokers: macro and micro level effects of ‘born-free’ South Africans on voter turnout

ABSTRACTThe emergence of a born-free South African generation holds significant implications for voter turnout. At the macro level, the youth bulge has changed aggregate turnout patterns, supporting Franklin’s [(2004). Voter turnout and the dynamics of electoral competition in established democracies since 1945. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press] argument that demographics shifts produce changes in aggregate political behaviour even when individuals do not change their behaviour. At the micro level, born-free South Africans exhibit attitudinal and cognitive differences from their older, partisan-led counterparts when deciding to vote, lending some support to Dalton’s [(1984). Cognitive mobilization and partisan dealignment in advanced industrial democracies. The Journal of Politics, 46(1), 264–284] cognitive mobilisation thesis.

(390) Neck of Femur Fractures: An Audit on Current Care in Rotorua Hospital

Neck of femur (NOF) fractures are common and associated with mortality, poor functional outcome and significant financial costs.1 A 2018 bi-national registry recently reported a total of 2291 cases in New Zealand.2 We audited the current practice of care of NOF fracture patients in Rotorua Hospital, New Zealand and looked for areas of quality improvement. A prospective audit of patients who sustained NOF fractures with surgical management was conducted from October-December 2018, (n=24). We noted pain scoring was an issue; 37.5 % patients had regular and appropriate pain scoring. 91.7% had pre-operative nerve blocks in Emergency Department. All patients were on regular Paracetamol and as needed short-acting opiates. 54.2% had a pain score ≤ 5/10 at rest. 87.5% did not ambulate Day 1 post surgery, 7 of these were due to inadequate analgesia. 29.2% of patients were noted to be confused during the admission in the orthopaedic unit and 8.33% were formally diagnosed with delirium. Only 4.17% had their cognition assessed pre-operatively. The average length of stay in hospital is 11.9 days with 5 readmissions. Pain is a limiting factor for early planned mobilisation. Consequently, we have conducted education on pain scoring to nursing staff and pre-operative cognitive assessment to the medical staff, and currently trialling an analgesia regime guide for all NOF fractures. Rotorua Hospital appears to be achieving the goal of surgery within 48 hours3 but there is room for improvement regarding pre-operative cognitive assessment and post-operative mobilisation. We would like to thank the Department of Anaesthetics including the Acute Pain Clinical Nurse Specialists, Dr Michelle Bloor (Geriatrician), and the Department of Orthopaedics.

Nothing’s gonna change my world – Or do journalistic clarifications help against rumors?

In the current digitalized media landscape, communicators and recipients are struggling to produce and identify reliable information in order to cope with rumors, misconceptions, and fake news. In the face of this, the popularity and relevance of factchecking services have increased in recent years. Nevertheless, not much is known about the effectiveness of these journalistic entities. This study proposes a theoretical framework that systemizes possible influencing factors. An online survey of 607 German media users was conducted, measuring the effectiveness of several clarifications in adjusting recipients’ misperceptions about six current controversial issues in Germany. The results indicate that journalistic clarifications are in fact capable of causing an adjustment process. Regression analyses show that, contrary to expectations, the users’ attitudes that go against the message of the clarification had only a small effect on the adjustment process. Media reliance had positive effects on only one issue, as well, and cognitive mobilization on two issues. A positive evaluation of the quality of the clarification showed effects in four cases, but not always as expected. Evaluations of the credibility of the communicator delivered no effects.

Chronic Stereotype Threat Is Associated With Mathematical Achievement on Representative Sample of Secondary Schoolgirls: The Role of Gender Identification, Working Memory, and Intellectual Helplessness.

Stereotype threat affects performance in many different groups across many different domains. Despite a large body of experimental research on situational stereotype threat, little attention has been paid to the consequences of repeated experience of stereotype threat. Using structural equation modeling on data from a representative sample of girls from secondary schools, the current research examined the relations of chronic stereotype threat with mathematical achievement, and effectiveness of working memory functions. Moving beyond past theory, this study examined a new mechanism by which chronic stereotype threat decreases school achievement – namely intellectual helplessness. We assumed that repeated experience of stereotype threat works as intellectual helplessness training. After the phase of cognitive mobilization, cognitive exhaustion appears, because the individual has no gain from intense cognitive effort. Corroborating previous research on acute stereotype threat, we demonstrated that chronic stereotype threat is negatively associated with mathematical achievement. Additionally, it was also associated with lower effectiveness of working memory functions, which seems to show depletion of working memory as an effect of chronic stereotype threat. The results also demonstrated that both mediational paths from chronic stereotype threat to mathematical achievement: through working memory depletion and through intellectual helplessness were significant but only for girls that were highly identified with their gender group. In sum, we extended a well-established model of acute stereotype threat to its chronic version and suggested a new mechanism of chronic stereotype threat, which involves intellectual helplessness. Implications for stereotype threat theory and educational practice are discussed.

Partisan heart and/or rational mind? Party identification, political knowledge and electoral turnout

This paper aims at analysing the relationship between positive and negative party identification and political knowledge, as well as their interplay in regard to electoral turnout. The data from the Serbian 2012 post-election public opinion survey on the nationally representative probability-based sample of voting age citizens were used (N = 1568). The data show that political knowledge is significantly and positively correlated both with positive and negative party identification. Citizens who are more knowledgeable and positively identified are also more likely to vote. However, it is shown that the influence of political knowledge on electoral turnout is moderated only by positive party identification. Political knowledge significantly predicts turnout only in the group of citizens without positive party identification. Being negatively identified with a political party does not modify the relationship between political knowledge and turnout. The results are discussed in terms of the Michigan model of party identification and cognitive mobilisation thesis. The roles of affective and cognitive motivation in electoral participation are additionally stressed and debated.

Knowing and distrusting: how political trust and knowledge shape direct-democratic participation

ABSTRACTThis article examines how factual political knowledge and political trust shape direct-democratic involvement in the form of supporting citizens’ initiatives in Finland. Previous studies have debated the relative merits of cognitive mobilization and political dissatisfaction as predictors of support for direct democracy. This study builds on these efforts, but it extends the scope of analysis to examine reported participation in rather than support for direct democracy. The study relies on data from the most recent round of the Finnish National Election Study from 2015 (FNES2015) to study these questions with binary logistic regression analyses. The results suggest that both factual political knowledge and political trust have the expected relationships with direct-democratic involvement. However, their effects are stronger when they interact and pull in the same direction to shape the propensity of involvement. This indicates that proposals for citizens’ initiatives are generally the work of knowledgeable, but critical, citizens.

The role of perceived social reality in the adoption of postmaterial values: The case of Hong Kong

While much research in the past four decades has demonstrated a turn toward postmaterial values in many developed countries in the world, there are continual debates regarding the factors behind such cultural changes. This study examines the role of certain cognitive factors in the adoption of postmaterial value orientations. Analysis of three surveys conducted between 2012 and 2016 in Hong Kong illustrate that postmaterial values are, at the individual level, tied to criticisms against social inequality and immobility. The relationship is stronger among better educated people and people with higher levels of news exposure. The analysis contributes to the broader literature on cultural change in modern societies by suggesting that social affluence is not a sufficient condition for the rise of postmaterial values. Instead, specific combinations of social conditions and a process of cognitive mobilization could initiate a postmaterial turn.