This article examines the current Danish reform of master's programmes as a case of contested marketization in higher education. While the reform aims to produce "labour-market-relevant" graduates by shortening degrees, introducing corporate programmes, and reducing enrolment, it reveals a fundamental tension between two competing economic logics: a neoliberal conception of students as human capital and a conventional view of labour as quantifiable work time. The emphasis on the latter by the Danish coalition government, particularly the Social Democrats, parallels their glorification of vocational work and disdain for intellectualism. Drawing on policy documents and public debate, the article shows how these logics coexist uneasily within the reform, combining aspirations to optimize students' individual investment decisions with efforts to increase the aggregate labour supply. The article further analyses the critiques the reform has generated. While traditional critiques emphasize the erosion of universities' role in cultivating democratic citizens, a "market critique" emerging from economic actors highlights the reform's failure on its own terms. This critique exposes the limits of centralized planning in engineering labour-market outcomes and points to unintended consequences. Building on this analysis, the article develops the concept of "impure resistance" to describe forms of critique that operate within, rather than outside, market rationalities. It argues that such internal critiques can open new avenues for coalition-building in contexts where democratic arguments struggle to resonate, while also underscoring their limitations. The article concludes that effective resistance to marketization must mobilize its internal contradictions rather than oppose it from a single normative standpoint.

ABSTRACT Under the Traffic Light Coalition government formed in 2021 by the SPD, Alliance 90/The Greens and the FDP, the electoral system for the German Bundestag was changed in 2023 for the fourth time since 2011. This article analyses the process and the outcome of this electoral system reform. On the one hand, the reform proposed by the Traffic Light Coalition appears more convincing in conceptual and technical terms than the corresponding attempts made by previous federal governments. On the other hand, the emergence of ‘vacant’ constituencies also has significant side effects that undermine the reform’s political acceptance. Given that the new federal government formed in 2025 and led by the CDU/CSU wants to reverse the 2023 reform, the institutional stability of the electoral system required for a representative democracy remains at risk.

ABSTRACT As there is still room for exploring the securitization process as a part of the Securitization Theory, this research paper shows that the securitization process can be contentious. There were at least two successful securitization processes in the MND. The current study interviewed 18 political members of the coalition government led by Syriza and 24 opposition members from Spring 2019 to 2020. The interviews focused on the events associated with the Macedonian Name Dispute (MND), which overshadowed the Greek discourse from 2018 to 2019 and supposedly solved one of the world’s oldest and most potent territorial name disputes. The first securitization process was promoted by the government, and the other by the dominant right-wing opposition party of New Democracy, which eventually became the new government after the national elections on 7 July 2019. In this contentious process, the side that exploited the media seemed to maintain its securitization longer.

ABSTRACT Party system fragmentation often leads to the formation of unconventional coalition governments. Although such governments are fractionalised and ideologically diverse, their effect on legislative decision-making remains understudied. Focusing on the run-up to elections, this study hypothesises that unconventional coalitions face greater challenges in legislative decision-making compared to single-party or ideologically cohesive governments. The argument builds on research showing that coalition parties prioritise their own programmatic positions and avoid cross-party compromises as the final year of a term begins. This paper uses fixed effects linear probability models to analyse the timing of 11,065 laws enacted in all German state parliaments from 1990 to 2022. The findings confirm the expectations: fractionalised and ideologically diverse governments enact fewer laws before elections. In contrast, single-party governments and ideologically cohesive coalitions are able to enact more laws at the end of their terms. The results underscore the impact of party system fragmentation on governance effectiveness.

ABSTRACT In June 2020, the Australian Coalition Government introduced the Job Ready Graduates (JRG) policy, seeking to discourage student uptake of humanities and social sciences (HASS) courses by increasing their cost by up 116.9%. This article offers a preliminary investigation into HASS undergraduate course offerings at four Australian universities. It finds no consistently observable effect on course offerings, but rather long-term and unevenly dispersed curriculum rationalisation, shaped by an individual discipline’s capacity to act entrepreneurially and articulate their value in economic terms. JRG is illustrative of policymaking within Australia’s regulatory state, which has hollowed-out universities whilst driving the creation of internal markets. Simultaneously, JRG demonstrates the role of universities in reproducing market citizenship ideals, fostering greater individual participation in markets in service of national economic priorities. We argue that the Albanese Labor Government’s Universities Accord is largely continuous with these processes, with ramifications for those disciplines considered economically unimportant.

ABSTRACT The five elections held between 2019 and 2022 resulted in the formation of the most right-wing government coalition in the history of the State of Israel, under the premiership of Benjamin Netanyahu, following the failure of another historic coalition made up of the anti-Netanyahu ‘change bloc’ and the Arab Ra’am party. Since its establishment, the far-right constituents of the coalition have consistently been at the centre of heated debates. This is not only due to their control of critical ministerial positions but also because of their self-positioning within the shifting Israeli political landscape and their anti-establishment push for changes in politics and law. This article critically examines the discursive directions of the far-right alliance by highlighting topic priorities between the ‘Religious Zionism Party’ and ‘Jewish Power’ to reveal their shared and divergent motivations since 2021. To achieve this, the article utilises social media data from the political campaigns of party leaders Betzalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir during the 2021 and 2022 elections and comparatively maps their discourses on key topics such as legitimacy, sovereignty, and the judiciary.

ABSTRACT Democratic hypocrisy – the tendency for citizens to express support for democratic norms in the abstract while tolerating violations of those norms when doing so serves their partisan interests – has been identified as a potential threat to liberal democracy in conditions of affective polarisation. Yet existing research has relied on declared preferences, leaving open the question of whether such hypocrisy manifests itself in the kinds of multidimensional choices that characterise real political decision-making. Using a conjoint experiment embedded in a three-wave panel survey spanning Poland’s transition from illiberal PiS incumbency to a pro-democratic KO-led coalition government, I examine whether citizens’ revealed preferences for liberal democracy change when power changes hands. Results show that Polish citizens consistently punish candidates who espouse illiberal views, and that this tendency is not significantly altered by the change of government, even among citizens who are highly affectively polarised. Contrary to expectations, citizens polarised in favour of the former incumbent party did not become more protective of liberal-democratic norms after losing power. These findings suggest that revealed preferences for liberal democracy are more stable than theories of democratic hypocrisy would predict, but also that democratic restoration cannot rely on a natural correction in public attitudes following a change of government.

How does coalition participation influence party membership? We argue that parties that take part in coalition governments are likely to experience less favorable party membership developments than parties governing alone because of the compromises they have to agree on in multi-party cabinets. This should be particularly likely for parties in ideologically diverse coalition governments since parties participating in such cabinets are more likely to have to deviate from originally promised policy positions; and for junior coalition partners, as they have less influence over policy and are less able to claim credit for government achievements. We evaluate these expectations on the basis of a new dataset that covers information on (1) the number of members in all German state parties between 1990 and 2023, (2) the ideological profile of the state parties, and (3) the status of a state party as a member of a state coalition government. We find that junior coalition partners lose significantly more members than parties that govern alone. Furthermore, an increasing programmatic distance within the cabinet on economic issues is related to a decreasing number of members of the respective government parties.

ABSTRACT This study explores how economic conditions, executive power, and party dynamics interact to shape electoral reform. It argues that poor economic performance encourages political entrepreneurs—particularly opposition parties—to push for changes to the electoral system. However, the president’s electoral mandate and institutional powers also play a key role in determining whether reforms occur. In presidential systems, executives may influence reforms to benefit their own parties. The study further suggests that government type matters. Single-party majority governments are more likely to pursue reforms aligned with presidential and ruling party interests, while minority or coalition governments may constrain such influence. Empirical findings support these arguments. Poor economic conditions increase the likelihood of electoral reform, but this effect depends on executive authority and government structure. Notably, reforms are less likely in presidential systems than in semi-presidential systems during economic downturns. Additionally, changes in the real effective exchange rate have a stronger positive impact on reform probability in semi-presidential systems. Overall, the results highlight that electoral reform is not driven by economic factors alone but emerges from a complex interaction between economic pressures, executive power, and political party incentives.

The formation of coalitions and alliances of electoral parties has become a hallmark of the Indian parliamentary politics as the nation in the country shifts towards having a multi-party rather than a dominant-party system. The paper will discuss the trends, development, and operation of coalition politics in India and how it was based on federalism, social diversity, and electoral necessities. It uses a historical approach to the formation of coalitions, with one-party rule, to the acceptance of alliances, and to the formation of dominant parties' coherent coalitions in the last years. The paper also compares various kinds of electoral alliances- pre- poll, post-poll, and issue-based and their strategic importance in influencing electoral outcomes in the first-past-the- post system. Additionally, the paper examines the institutional designs that perpetuate coalition governance, such as power-sharing arrangements, Common Minimum Programmes, and coordination structures. It detects some important trends of fragmentation of party systems, the emergence of regional parties, and pragmatic, as well as ideological, alliances. Although coalition politics promotes inclusiveness and robust representation of the federal government, it faces issues to deal with in terms of stability, policy coherence, and decision-making effectiveness. The paper arrives at a conclusion that coalition politics is one of the structural and developing characteristics of Indian democracy, and that governance should be a stable institution that must be guided by good leadership and innovation of the institutions.

ABSTRACT Climate obstruction research is key to explaining why governments miss climate mitigation goals. Recent research goes beyond the traditional focus on denialism and the USA but concentrates on dedicated obstructionist actors and their publications. Yet how does climate obstruction work in contexts with strong favorable conditions for effective climate action? What kind of obstruction framing erodes climate policy attempts? To investigate these questions, we performed a media frame analysis on a key public policy debate in Germany, in which mainstream actors successfully obstructed an accelerated energy transition planned by the coalition government. We make three major contributions by showing that obstruction framing (1) de-thematizes climate issues altogether, (2) employs scare frames that evoke fears and threats, and (3) displays a strategic differentiation that connects opposing audiences. These findings provide vital insights into communicative strategies that contribute to contesting and dismantling climate policies even in favorable contexts.

The party system exists as a central structural element in the Indian democratic system, profoundly influencing the nation's political direction and governance processes. After independence, a multi-party system developed in India, providing political expression to diverse social, economic, and regional aspirations. The Indian National Congress clearly dominated the initial phase, but over time, the rise of regional parties and alternative political organizations has made the political landscape more multifaceted. The party system has significantly contributed to accountability by encouraging democratic participation. However, it faces numerous structural and practical challenges, including defection, political corruption, caste- and religious-based politics, and the instability of coalition governments. In contemporary Indian politics, the role of political parties is expanding beyond mere power-sharing to encompass social welfare, inclusive development, and social justice. The spread of digital technology and the active political participation of youth have infused new energy into the democratic process. This article presents a critical analysis of the historical evolution of the Indian party system, its major problems, and future prospects.

The article highlights the effects of Swedish government policies over the past dozen or so years, which have led, among other things, to a shift in the electoral preferences of the Swedish electorate. This shift has weakened the stability of minority government coalitions, resulting in successive government crises between 2019 and 2021. The steadily growing public support for the radical party called the Sweden Democrats, which has been operating in isolation in the Riksdag since 2010, could not remain insignificant for the results of the parliamentary elections scheduled for 11 September 2022, as well as for the future of the traditional two-bloc model of competition between Swedish political parties. Importantly, the decisions made by Swedish voters proved to have a decisive impact on the concept of forming a government coalition and on the direction of government policy since 2022.

The aim of this article is to analyse the political and social conditions that led to the early elections to the Alþingi on 30 November 2024. Public dissatisfaction with the three-party coalition government – the Independence Party, the Progressive Party and the Left-Green Movement – caused internal dysfunction. The main disputes concerned immigration issues, economic and public finance issues, and the scope of social policy. In their election programmes, the main parties emphasised proposals to remedy the situation in these areas. The parliamentary elections, the first under the new electoral law, proved to be a success for the centre-right parties and reduced the fragmentation of the Alþingi. Representatives of five of the eleven parties participating in the elections won seats, with the Icelandic Social Democratic Alliance winning the most. The left-wing parties suffered a defeat, losing their seats in the Alþingi and finding themselves outside it. The new coalition government led by Prime Minister Kristrún Frostadóttir, based on the so-called Valkyrie coalition, has the majority suport in Alþingi. The article’s main hypothesis is that Iceland’s political system will evolve in a center-right direction after the elections, and the current strong, extreme environmental, gender, and pro-immigration rhetoric has reached an impasse. This could lead to the completion of the constitutional reforms initiated in 2010–2011.

ABSTRACT Small-Scale Cities (SSCs) face increasing pressure to balance economic competitiveness with sustainable, locally grounded development. This paper examines the governance challenges associated with implementing two contrasting development approaches in Lefke, Northern Cyprus: a top-down, university-led model supported by central government policies and a bottom-up, Cittaslow-led strategy driven by local actors. Drawing on a systematic literature review, grounded theory, and comparative case study analysis, particularly with Wolfville, Canada, this study explores whether these divergent models can be harmonized through an integrated governance framework. The findings indicate that successfully orchestrating conflicting development trajectories requires a hybrid model combining multi-level collaborative governance and pro-growth coalitions. The proposed framework emphasizes democratic inclusivity, strategic coordination, stakeholder partnerships, and decentralized decision-making. A local growth coalition, led by the municipality and engaging key public and private stakeholders, is proposed as the institutional mechanism to align top-down imperatives with bottom-up initiatives. This model contributes to the broader discourse on SSC development by demonstrating how governance structures – not just development strategies – determine the effectiveness and sustainability of local transformation efforts.

ABSTRACT This study analyzes the official election speeches of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan between March 31 and 13 May 2023, using thematic analysis method to examine the ‘us’ and ‘them’ dichotomy in the context of enemy construction strategies and the political instrumentalization of fear. The study reveals Erdoğan’s strategy of constructing a homogeneous ‘people’ identity by framing the opposition as ‘alien to national values,’ ‘collaborating with foreign powers,’ and ‘supporting terrorism.’ Thus, crises such as terrorism, economic instability, the failures of past coalition governments, and the February 6 earthquakes were instrumentalized to present the opposition as a threat. Through these themes, the opposition parties were demonized, reinforcing the idea that Erdoğan should be supported as the sole representative of the nation. Consequently, voters were persuaded through the fear factor that an opposition-led government would result in terror, chaos, economic dependence, security risks, and the erosion of national and moral values.

Abstract How do ministerial terminations affect presidential approval? Presidents face unexpected challenges related to stochastic events such as scandals, policy failures, or economic crises. We argue that the termination of ministers who have received calls for their resignation presents an opportunity for the president to send signals to the electorate in the expectation of a corrective effect on popularity through a blame-shifting dynamic. The central argument is that this dynamic occurs only in coalition governments where political responsibility may be more easily attributed to the coalition’s different parties and factions, weakening personalization centered on the president and facilitating blame shifting and the corrective effect. The expectation of a corrective effect on approval is tested using instrumental variables (IV) regressions applied to novel data on ministerial terminations and resignation calls in 124 governments in 12 presidential democracies. The data were gathered by combining data mining, machine-learning techniques, and survey marginal time series based on the dyad ratios algorithm for approval. The main findings support the expectation that individual terminations of tainted ministers generate a corrective effect of nine points on presidential approval in coalition governments, which decreases in the medium and long term.

<h2>Abstract</h2><h3>Objectives</h3> Ageism is a pervasive yet underrecognized determinant of health and mental health in later life. Evidence shows that ageist attitudes and structures contribute to delayed recognition of treatable conditions, reduced access to evidence-based care, and heightened vulnerability to neglect and abuse. This article examines the creation, rationale, and early impact of the Canadian Coalition Against Ageism (CCAA) as a model of scientific advocacy—a novel, coalition-based approach that translates evidence and human-rights principles into system-level change. <h3>Methods</h3> Drawing on peer-reviewed research, implementation science, and international human-rights frameworks, we situate the CCAA within national and global efforts to eliminate ageism. The coalition's governance, multisectoral design, and flagship interventions—particularly the Ageism Awareness Module and Toolkit and the Older Persons Advisory Group—are examined as translational mechanisms linking science, practice, and rights-based reform. <h3>Results</h3> Global and national data confirm that ageism predicts poorer mental and physical health outcomes. The CCAA was established through co-design with older persons and cross-sector collaboration, producing freely accessible educational and policy tools now being adopted across clinical, educational, and organizational settings. Early implementation indicates shifts in awareness, reflective practice, and institutional norms across health, education, and community sectors. <h3>Conclusions</h3> Eliminating ageism is a clinical, ethical, and systems-level imperative for all clinicians. The CCAA offers a reproducible model of rights-informed scientific advocacy that aligns public health, mental health, and human-rights mandates, and is timely considering the UN Human Rights Council's 2025 launch of a process toward a Convention on the Rights of Older Persons. As international law evolves, geriatric psychiatry is positioned to lead a paradigm shift—from deficit-based models of ageing to rights-based, capability-enhancing mental health care across the life course. As a field grounded in dignity, complexity, and relational care, geriatric psychiatry is uniquely positioned to serve as a catalyst for a more deeply humanistic medicine across disciplines, settings, and stages of the life course.

ABSTRACT The future of work (FoW), that is, how new technologies from automation to artificial intelligence affect the workplace, has become such a salient topic that its framing matters for the evolution of important policy areas from social protection to market and labor regulation. However, we still know relatively little about how problems arising from FoW are framed into policies. Indonesia is an interesting case study in this respect, as an informal coalition of government and tech companies pushes digitalization. We conjecture that this context also matters for the framing of significant policy reforms. Looking at the output of several news agencies, we find that, overall, positive sentiments are most salient, showing a solutionist mindset, that is, technology is a technocratic solution to big social problems. Government‐related sources (Antara) follow this mindset, in contrast to some of the private sources. For the government, we only found one exception, which is the need to regulate e‐commerce. Thus, the Indonesian case shows how a pro‐technology government frames FoW and how this eventually includes and excludes important areas of policymaking, such as investment, regulation, and compensation. This gives us crucial insights also for other instances of policy change, where the field is somewhat complex and usually bundles together several policy areas.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the sudden conclusion of the bipolar world order removed the external framework that had supported India’s policy of non-alignment. From 1991 onward, New Delhi has been compelled to redefine its national interests within an uncertain and increasingly intricate global environment, where a clear and unified grand strategy has yet to emerge.This dissertation argues that the principal impediments lie less in India’s external environment than in its domestic political and institutional landscape. Four mutually reinforcing factors are identified. First, the emergence of coalition governments has fragmented decision‑making and shortened strategic time‑horizons. Second, India’s robust federalism gives state governments growing leverage over trade, investment, and even security initiatives, complicating policy coherence. Third, India’s foreign policy apparatus—comprising the Ministry of External Affairs, the National Security Council framework, and the wider strategic community—remains persistently overextended. These institutions often struggle with limited analytical depth and inadequate inter-agency coordination, constraining their ability to engage in long-term strategic planning. Moreover, the lack of a well-entrenched strategic culture continues to impede the development of national consensus on priorities and the consistent implementation of policy decisions. Through case studies ranging from economic liberalisation and the 1998 nuclear tests to the Look East/Act East framework and contemporary Indo‑Pacific initiatives, the study traces how these domestic constraints have produced incremental, often reactive diplomacy. The analysis demonstrates that while India has diversified partnerships and expanded its global footprint, its external engagement still operates without an integrated doctrinal compass. The thesis concludes by outlining avenues for cultivating a more coherent strategy: strengthening institutional capacities, fostering civil‑military‑academic dialogue, and building a cross‑party consensus on core national interests. Only by addressing these internal challenges can India craft the strategic clarity required to navigate the exigencies of the post‑Cold War era.