During the war and reconstruction, musical art in Ukraine has become an effective vehicle for emotional expression, identity formation, and national resistance. Ukrainian music, in its traditional and modern forms, is responsive to the country’s political and psychological circumstances, making it essential to comprehend its impact on public consciousness and cultural transformation. A cross-sectional study of 368 Ukrainian youth aged 18-25 across five regions (West, South, Central, East, and North) evaluated psychological traits using the PANAS-SF, Sense of Coherence (SOC-13), and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) scales. Musical preferences were rated on 19 different genres. Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) in each region was employed to uncover underlying dimensions in psychology. Regional factor models uncovered different psychological constellations. Across all regions, music was invariably correlated with ideological orientation or emotional resilience, underscoring its cohesive psychological function during crises. Musical art in Ukraine serves as something more significant than aesthetic representation - it serves as a psychological anchor, cultural icon, and act of civil resistance.

We explored how the reasonable officer standard aligns with the use-of-force judgments. Reasonable officer standard-related factors of civilian resistance and civilian injury would impact participant judgments in ways inconsistent with reasonable officer standard-based policy. Given a scenario of legally reasonable force, participants would find an officer's actions less reasonable and attribute more punishment when the civilian actively resisted (compared with assaulted) the officer and the civilian incurred a high (compared with low) severity injury. Expert testimony on the reasonable officer standard and policy would weaken this effect and directly impact judgments. Participants with more positive attitudes toward police legitimacy would render more pro-officer judgments. These attitudes would moderate the effects of civilian action, civilian injury, and expert testimony, such that participants with more positive views would be less impacted by these case factors. Participants (N = 1,462) listened to a use-of-force scenario with consistent officer action but where civilian action and civilian injury severity were manipulated. Study 1 utilized a 2 (civilian action: Level 3 [active resistance] vs. Level 4 [assaultive behavior]) × 2 (civilian injury: high vs. low) between-participants design. Study 2 included the same manipulations in the context of a mock trial and manipulated reasonable officer standard expert testimony (present vs. absent). In Study 1, civilian action and injury impacted judgments in ways inconsistent with reasonable officer standard-based policy as hypothesized. In Study 2, civilian action and injury had nonsignificant effects, but expert testimony significantly impacted all dependent measures. Participants' police legitimacy attitudes directly influenced our dependent measures and moderated the impact of civilian action and injury (Study 1) and expert testimony (Study 2) as hypothesized. Individuals' criminal trial, but not general, judgments align with reasonable officer standard-based policy and are impacted by education on police policy. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

This study is motivated by the urgency of defending al-Quds as a holy city that has a special position theologically, historically, and geopolitically, while also responding to the exclusive claim of Jewish Zionists that it is “The Promised Land,” which is considered to deviate from the moral requirements and justice of revelation. The purpose of this study is to examine the position of al-Quds from an Islamic perspective, trace its history of inclusive management, critique Zionist religious political claims, and offer a relevant strategic framework for liberation in the contemporary era. The research design includes normative qualitative-descriptive research, applying Hans-Georg Gadamer’s hermeneutics, which is relevant to the research topic. It serves to combine the freshness of meaning in the current context from all existing horizons, be it theological-historical narratives, hadith literature, classical-contemporary interpretations, or modern socio-political reasoning. The results of the study show that the sanctity of al-Quds stems from the principle of tawhid and universal Islamic values that prohibit oppression, discrimination, and monopoly of worship spaces, and that the history of the city’s management under Islamic rule is clear evidence of a fair and open governance model for all religious adherents. This study also found that protecting al-Quds relies on human efforts, not divine decree, which requires strategic efforts through diplomacy, civil resistance, international public support, and interfaith solidarity. The study concludes that the liberation of al-Quds must be positioned as a global humanitarian issue, not merely a religious conflict, and requires synergy between internal reform of the Muslim community and external support from the international community to restore its function as a city of peace and a symbol of universal justice.

Transformations in Russian Activism

What explains the demand and supply of criminal governance? Contrary to traditional explanations of criminal governance as top-down control, this study integrates bottom-up demands for assistance and top-down supply of aid and coercion. We argue that the demand for criminal governance stems from civilians’ drive to satisfy their primary necessities, while security concerns motivate criminals to supply governance to prevent civilian resistance. The theory focuses on three main factors: economic difficulties, articulation/resistance capacity, and government response. The empirical strategy uses multiple list experiments conducted in Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. On the demand side, results indicate that economic difficulties and civilian articulation capacity shape the demand for criminal aid. On the supply side, criminals largely neglect people’s economic needs. When criminals help, they do it for cheap and to neutralize potential civilian resistance or to compete against the state. However, when economic conditions worsen, criminals revert to imposing lockdowns.

This article examines the wave of resistance to science-based containment measures during the Xylella fastidiosa outbreak in Salento, Italy, an ongoing plant epidemic that has severely affected olive trees since the early 2010s. It challenges two dominant frameworks for interpreting anti-expert mobilizations: one focusing on the populist glorification of common sense and the illusion of understanding fostered by easy access to information; the other on the marginalization of local actors whose situated knowledge challenges technocratic decision-making. It also revisits interpretations of the Xylella case that reflect these perspectives. Moving beyond these accounts, the article shows how activists drew on longstanding imperatives rooted in Italy’s left-wing and environmental political cultures – such as care for the vulnerable, civil resistance, environmental stewardship, and opposition to mafia infiltration – to interpret scientific and institutional interventions as morally illegitimate. These interpretations sacralized the olive tree and cast mainstream science as complicit in authoritarianism, neoliberalism, and criminal collusion. Drawing on multimodal discourse analysis and the strong program in cultural sociology, the article reconstructs the moral codes that shaped resistance to expert authority and shows how this framing both enabled public engagement with science and fueled conspiratorial thinking. The case complicates standard accounts of both science denialism and citizen science and highlights the need to attend to political values and cultural meaning-making in understanding opposition to science-based policy-making.

ABSTRACT Prolific research has focused on strikes and work stoppages as a tool to protect labor rights. Yet, industrial workers can engage in a wide range of contentious activities. This article argues that a combination of political and socioeconomic factors shapes labor’s use of protest tactics. Consistent with the political process theory, temporal variation in the intensity of repression affects the choice of resistance methods. Furthermore, properties of different sectors of the economy, including the organization of the work process and a prior record of labor activism, influence the workers’ choice of protest tactics. Based on original data from in-depth interviews with Belarusian labor activists, the article demonstrates cross-sector variation in civil resistance in a contemporary autocracy. Industrial workers at major state enterprises protested against gross violations of democratic procedures during the 2020 presidential election and the disproportionate use of force against participants in peaceful post-election protests. The empirical analysis shows that wage workers employed a wide array of tactics, including strikes, marches, collective letters, public declarations on social media, employment litigation, withdrawal from state-controlled trade unions, and the establishment of a primary organization of an independent trade union. Furthermore, the study uncovers the effects of sectoral properties on the use of protest tactics. A close analysis of labor mobilization in Belarus contributes to the literature by enhancing our understanding of diverse ways in which industrial workers might resist the authoritarian regime.

The Museo de la Memoria (Museum of Memory) opened in Montevideo, Uruguay, during the short life-span of transitional justice as a significant landmark of post-dictatorial memory. This paper analyzes the exhibitions from its founding in 2007 to 2018 using different documentary sources and interviews. It focuses on the form and representation of violence, including aspects such as exile, death and torture. Additionally, it tackles the breakdown of democracy in the 1970s, resulting from repressive policies and civil resistance strategies. By silencing popular violence, the Museum shapes the transmission of memory from the past into the present, hindering a profound reflection on the complexity of history.

Abstract Erica Chenoweth & Maria J. Stephan’s data in Why Civil Resistance Works suggest that nonviolent resistance is much more effective than violent resistance. In that same data, however, they show that campaigns of violent resistance have been much more common than those of nonviolent resistance — and while nonviolent resistance has recently overtaken violent resistance, this has been alongside greater toleration of violence within nonviolent campaigns (which Chenoweth and Stephan argue should make those campaigns less effective.) This gives us a puzzle of apparently senseless violence, which may lead some to infer on rational choice grounds that Chenoweth and Stephan’s case is not as strong as it appears, and that this violence is not actually senseless. I offer a different rational choice explanation for this finding, which is compatible with Chenoweth and Stephan’s broader analysis. As they argue, the fact that it is much easier to participate in nonviolent resistance makes such campaigns more effective. Yet this advantage for nonviolent campaigns over violent campaigns reverses when we consider the positions of potential violent campaigns and potential nonviolent campaigns that have not yet gotten off the ground. In that strategic position, the costliness of participation in violence makes its preparation a costly signal for a movement’s seriousness. This makes it easier for such campaigns to get off the ground by helping them secure their most committed potential recruits. After outlining this explanation, I offer some practical ways that potential nonviolent resistance campaigns can make participation costlier in their early stages so that they can more easily signal seriousness and reach the level of a full-scale campaign.

ABSTRACT Rebels often go beyond security and taxation to offer services such as education, healthcare and infrastructure. In this theory-building article, we provide a juxtapositional comparison of rebel-provided education by Ansar Allah in Yemen and the Kurdish Democratic Union Party in Syria. We analyse education as a distinct service due to its capacity to socialise civilians into rebel ideology and its potential to foster civilian resistance. Our cases reveal similarities in the multilayered nature of education provision, sub-national variation in civilian responses and gendered impacts. These generalisable insights can inform future research on governance in conflict zones.

ABSTRACTDrawing from research conducted across 2021–2024, this article presents the case study of an often‐graffitied Queen Victoria statue in Kitchener, Ontario, Canada. Through engaging red paint on this physical colonial monument, it is demonstrated that graffiti has the capacity to be an important method of civil resistance that can influencially be employed in local grassroots actions. In doing so this analytical case study engages the significance of spatial (where) and temporal (when) influences to offer a contextualized understanding of how rupturing aesthetic order and challenging public colonial narratives physically and visibly at a specific moment in time can further public discussion about the way places are named, marked, and navigated.

Abstract Through comparative case studies, this paper explores the implications of violent versus nonviolent revolutions on women’s private property rights. Theory and evidence suggest civil resistance movements are more likely to protect women’s property rights by attracting diverse participation, maintaining accountability, and enabling bargaining with authorities. However, merely using nonviolent tactics does not guarantee rights expansions if cultural biases persist. Case studies on Greece, Iran, Cuba, and Costa Rica illustrate these dynamics. The analysis contributes to understanding the connections between conflict, political change, gender, and property rights.

Amid renewed interest in total defense frameworks within European strategic communities, this article explores the intersection of civilianled resistance to external armed aggression and the broader concept of national resilience in contemporary warfare. Through a comparison of two case studies–the grassroots resistance of Ukrainian civilians to Russian aggression since February 24, 2022, and the mobilization of Israeli civilians in response to the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023–this article assesses the strategic and operational relevance of civilian resistance within total and comprehensive defense models. Furthermore, our findings validate the applicability of total defense in the context of protracted conflicts while also revealing internal tensions and complexities. The study underscores the decisive role of decentralized, civilian-led resistance in absorbing the initial shock of aggression and shaping the early trajectory of war. However, it also argues that while civilian engagement is indispensable during the initial phase, it later becomes only one component within the broader framework of national resilience. Nevertheless, in the mid- and protracted stages of a conflict, the soft-power factor of civil society’s will to fight is vital to sustain hard-power military capacity and societal functioning over time. Ultimately, the Ukrainian and Israeli experiences point to the need to reconceptualize civilian resistance as a foundational, not auxiliary, pillar of national resilience and total defense, particularly in an era marked by the “civilianization” of armed conflicts and the resurgence of long wars.

Abstract Civil resistance, especially the so-called school struggle, was the most successful resistance to the Nazi occupation regime in Norway. Despite this recognition, several aspects remain under-researched and lack comprehensive analysis. While the overarching developments of the school struggle are well documented, its ideological motives have received far less attention. This is particularly true with regard to Christian values, which were part of a trinity of counter-propaganda: Norwegian democracy, the protection of children and youth, and Lutheran Christianity. While the first two elements have been discussed in research, the third has primarily been studied within the context of church resistance in Norway. This article addresses this gap and shows that Christian values were closely tied to the protest of the school front against Nazism. The analysis centers on watchwords, circulars, directives, and moral advice disseminated nationwide by teachers, school representatives, and parents. Leaders of the school front recognized that emphasizing Christian values together with the role of the teaching profession in the Norwegian nation-building process would strengthen the protest. By framing teachers as defenders of Christian upbringing and education, in line with Norwegian traditions and law, they created a powerful opposition to the national socialist ideology and turned the school struggle into a successful mass movement.

<p>塗鴉，不只是當代藝術的表現形式之一，也是公共空間中權力爭奪的一個重要的場域。尤其是香港的街頭塗鴉，曾在社會運動中扮演著對抗權威、凝聚人心、延續倡議能量的潛在角色。從占領中環、雨傘革命到反送中運動，其形式一直相當多變且具機動性，故成為推動社運的重要動力。在反送中運動期間，街頭的塗鴉常隨著抗爭發展而不斷大量產出並蔓延各地。然而，在《香港國安法》推行後，因執法力度加大，使得社會氣氛逐漸保守，讓人民的聲音與街頭的塗鴉都被大規模移除。不過，塗鴉在這抹去的過程中並未真正消失，它開始轉向抽象化與隱喻化。這個視覺語言上的轉變，除了顯示抗爭意志不息外，也凸顯了政治禁語背後的荒謬。而這些抗爭者在香港留下過的痕跡，也將成為見證這時代的重要印記。</p><p>Graffiti is not only one of the expressive forms of contemporary art but also constitutes a significant arena for the contestation of power within public space. In particular, street graffiti in Hong Kong has played a latent yet potent role in resisting authority, fostering collective solidarity, and sustaining the momentum of sociopolitical advocacy during social movements. From the Occupy Central movement and the Umbrella Revolution to the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement (commonly known as the Anti-ELAB movement), graffiti has remained highly mutable and mobile, thereby becoming a vital force in the progression of civil resistance. During the Anti-ELAB movement, graffiti proliferated across the urban landscape, evolving alongside the trajectory of the protests. However, the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law marked a turning point, as heightened law enforcement measures contributed to a growing atmosphere of political conservatism. As a result, both the voices of the people and the visible traces of graffiti were systematically removed from public view. Nonetheless, graffiti did not vanish entirely in this process of erasure. Instead, it underwent a transformation toward abstraction and metaphor. This shift in visual language not only signified the persistence of protest consciousness but also exposed the absurdity underlying the regime of political censorship. The vestiges left by the protestors in Hong Kong now serve as powerful testimonies to an era of resistance and repression, offering enduring inscriptions of a historical moment that continues to resonate.</p><p> </p>

This article substantiates the necessity of scholarly development of the concept of “civil resistance capability” in the context of the full-scale and hybrid war waged against Ukraine. The relevance of the topic stems from the growing need to conceptualize the role of the civilian population in the architecture of national resistance and in ensuring the resilience of society under prolonged threats. The aim of the study is to formulate an interdisciplinary conceptual framework for this new term and to determine its semantic content, structural components, and its connections with related categories in the fields of social, behavioral, and security sciences. To achieve the stated objective, the research applies methods of conceptual analysis, systematization, comparative-terminological review, elements of structural-functional modeling, and interdisciplinary synthesis. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenological exploration of psychological, sociocultural, axiological, and behavioral determinants of the civilian population’s resistance capacity. The study proposes an original definition of “civil resistance capability” as an integrative quality of individuals and communities, manifested in the ability to offer conscious, motivated, and morally grounded resistance to an aggressor by mobilizing value-based, cognitive, volitional, communicative, and socio-organizational resources. Six basic structural components of the phenomenon are outlined: value-motivational, cognitive, emotional-volitional, social, communicative, and behavioral. An adaptive-mobilizational model of their interaction is proposed. The concept is distinguished from related terms such as psychological resilience, mobilizational readiness, self-organization, and resistance by examining its semantic capacity and functional designation. The practical value of the results lies in the applicability of the proposed conceptualization to the development of legal frameworks, educational programs, psychodiagnostic tools, and strategic documents aimed at enhancing societal resilience and organizing national resistance effectively. The study’s conclusions identify prospects for future empirical investigations focused on the operationalization of the construct, adaptation of measurement methodologies, and integration of resistance capability into broader security policies. Key words: civil resistance capability, psychology of resistance, resilience, social mobilization, national security, behavioral responses, value orientation, identity, interdisciplinary approach.

The political history of Bangladesh has been significantly shaped by student-led campaigns of civil resistance, understood as political action relying on nonviolent methods and tactics. In the long struggle for independent Bangladesh, civilians from diverse sections of the society embraced nonviolence as a strategy to challenge oppression and injustice. Yet, the account of nonviolent struggles has received less treatment in the literature. This paper is an attempt to analyze students’ nonviolent movement activism in Bangladesh from historical perspectives. In the events of civilian struggle in pre-independence Bangladesh (1947-1971), student activism became catalytic in forwarding popular demands, including establishing Bangla as the mother language, autonomy and self-rule, and independence. This paper investigates to what extent students as social actors could help mobilize broad-based civil resistance in the context of contention between power holders and civilian protesters. The analysis is informed by theoretical insights from resistance and protest movement studies. In this vein, this paper engages the political process approach to examine student-led civil resistance in the political history of Bangladesh. The data source includes published articles and books. Based on an extensive review of the secondary sources, the findings suggest that students’ strategic choice of nonviolent political action generated great appeal among ordinary civilians. It helped transform ordinary people’s power into social power which ultimately formed a base of mass resistance and helped to bring about significant socio-political changes in the political landscape of pre-independence Bangladesh. JASBH, Vol. 70(1), June 2025, pp. 89-108

The February 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar, led by Min Aung Hlaing, abruptly ended the country’s brief period of democratization. The coup has sparked the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), marking the largest civil resistance movement in Myanmar’s history. Using Schiff’s (2008) concordance theory, this study analyzes how Myanmar’s persistent failure to achieve civil-military concordance has fostered fundamentally asymmetrical civil-military relations, ultimately facilitating the reemergence of military rule in 2021. Critics of the coup highlighted the rooted influence of khaki capital, a long-standing strategy through which the military generates and monopolizes economic opportunities, thereby reinforcing its hegemony following the coup. Additionally, the evolution in the military’s economic participation, ranging from institutional privileges to individualized benefits, has further solidified its economic dominance. Utilizing a qualitative approach grounded on extensive literature reviews, this study explores the complex interplay between Myanmar’s political discordance and the military’s deeply rooted economic interests. These interconnected factors sustain a vicious cycle of military authoritarianism and khaki capital, demonstrating remarkable resilience to change.

This study aims to critically examine how framing practices in online media reporting shape public perceptions of demonstrations against the ratification of the Indonesian National Armed Forces Act (TNI Act). Using the framing theory developed by Robert N. Entman, this study analyzes and compares three news articles published by Kompas.com, Metrotvnews.com, and Tempo.co. The main focus of the study is on identifying framing patterns that encompass four main dimensions: problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and recommendations for addressing the issue. This study uses a qualitative approach with critical discourse analysis within the framework of Entman's framing analysis. The objects of study are three news reports covering the demonstrations against the TNI Law and the revision of the Polri Law that took place on March 27, 2025, in the area of the DPR Building, Central Jakarta. Each text is analyzed systematically to examine the construction of the narrative and the differences in perspective raised by each media outlet. The results of the study show that Kompas.com and Tempo.co tend to frame the demonstrations as a form of civil resistance against state policies that are considered to threaten the principles of democracy and civil supremacy. In contrast, Metrotvnews.com emphasizes the dimension of public order, highlighting the dispersal of the crowd by the authorities as a measure to restore social stability. These findings reinforce the argument that media plays a strategic role in shaping public discourse and the direction of collective perceptions toward political issues and state policies.

ABSTRACT When does symbolic violence turn into real violence? This article explores this issue through the case of the Gaza civil resistance campaign of March 2018. Claimed to be a Gandhi-style nonviolent campaign, it involved launching incendiary kites across the fence that burned thousands of acres of farmland and fields. The organizers insisted these kite attacks were only symbolically violent, did not target people, or pose a significant threat to civilians. By contrast, this paper argues that incorporating incendiary kites and balloons constitutes not only bona fide violence but also outright armed attacks despite being conducted as part of a nonviolent struggle. This analysis has far-reaching implications for the limits of Nonviolent Resistance as a strategic tool that permits inflicting mild harm on the assumption that such harm is a lesser evil than that of armed struggles.