Civil-military Relations Research Articles

The dynamics of military coups in the contemporary Middle East: a structural perspective

Military coups are the product of intense contradictions in civil-military relations. From 1931 to 2023, the Middle East witnessed at least 103 coups, which can be categorized into five periods: beginning, peaking, declining, ebbing, and resurging. Each marked by distinct characteristics. These coups can be classified into three types based on the identity of members: military faction-led coups, military faction-coordinated coups, and military faction-subordinate coups. Military elites led the former, whereas the latter two involved military elites, political elites, external members, and the public. This article finds that a military coup in the Middle East arises from various factors through a case study, including opportunities of success, strategic calculations of actors, and identity anxieties. Opportunities of success denote the possibility of a successful coup; strategic calculation of actors implies the cost–benefit assessments of military elites when launching a coup; and identity anxieties reflect military elites’ concerns about their status. The Syrian case demonstrates that, due to the high risk and cost involved, a military coup occurs when opportunities of success, strategic calculations of actors, and identity anxieties are present simultaneously.

Officers and Civilians: A Civil–Military Gap in Canadian National Security?

This research note measures the political attitudes held by Canadian Military Colleges (CMC) graduates, as compared with the general population on issues related to Canadian democratic life. It employs survey data from a sample of over 1000 alumni of CMCs, complemented by data on the general population from the 2021 Canadian Election Study. The results show that CMC graduates tend to be more interested in politics and have higher levels of political efficacy than a comparable sample of civilians. However, they are no more satisfied with democracy in Canada. They tend to favor personal, rather than institutional responsibility, and tend to be slightly more right-leaning than their peers. These results show some differences between the military population and the Canadian population, although the differential is insufficient for it to have a material bearing on civil–military relations in Canada. CMC graduates are neither alienated from nor dismissive of Canadian society.

Integrative and Collaborative Civil-Military Relations: A Comparative Assessment of Military Support to Civil Institutions in Uganda

Uganda, a nation amidst socio-economic transformation, faces significant challenges concerning human security that demand unified and proactive efforts at the national level. In the wake of a notable decline in insurgent activities across the country, the Ugandan government boldly solicited military support to bolster civilian institutions grappling with effectiveness and efficiency issues. This study centres on the critical collaboration between the Ugandan Peoples' Defence Forces (UPDF) and two pivotal institutions: the Uganda Police Force (UPF) and the former National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS). Utilising an exploratory sequential mixed-methods approach, the research begins with in-depth qualitative interviews followed by quantitative surveys. This methodology illuminated the substantial adjustments and socialisation processes that army personnel underwent as they adapted to their new roles in these civilian contexts. The findings revealed a growing appreciation from the host institutions for the military’s support, particularly as their interactions matured over time. The military's engagement with both the police and NAADS was characterised by integrative and collaborative civil-military relations, which served as foundational models for their cooperation. However, the study suggests that a multi-model approach is more advantageous in dynamic working environments, allowing flexibility and responsiveness to evolving challenges. Moreover, introducing a national service training program aimed at equipping Uganda's future workforce, with a strong emphasis on civil-military relations as a core component of its curriculum, could foster a more seamless and effective coordination and cooperation between the military and other government institutions. This initiative enhances mutual understanding and cooperation, ultimately contributing to the nation’s development and stability.

THE MILITARY'S ROLE DURING CRISES (2011-2022) EGYPT AND SYRIA AS A MODEL

The concept of the military establishment that we know today goes back to the beginning of the sixteenth century when the European federations were established, such as the French Union during Louis XI in 1483, the British Union led by Henry VII in 1485, the authority of the Catholic Kings in Spain in 1469, and the beginning of the formation of local authorities that required institutions to serve the king and the armies to protect These states or empires. The contemporary form of the military institution, the duties stipulated in the era of the state and modern constitutions, and the relations of these institutions with the rest of the state institutions are completely different from those of his predecessor, and made their presence more powerful and influential "according to the constitution." This is what we have seen after the events in the Arab region since late 2010 that led to the overthrow of authoritarian regimes, as happened in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, and the pillars of other regimes were shaken, but did not fall until the time of writing this study, as happened in Syria, and these events are now known. Later in the Arab Spring. As is the case in most countries that witness large-scale popular protests whose goal is to bring down the government or even the entire system, political leaders usually resort - as a means of suppressing demonstrators - to request the support of the armies, after the security forces retreat in the face of the resilience of the demonstrators. The political survival of the rulers depends on answering this question, “Will the army respond to orders to confront the demonstrators and shoot or not?” Especially since, according to the literature on civil-military relations, the army’s support for the revolution, or at least its neutrality, is a necessary condition for the success of the revolutionary act in overthrowing the political leadership in the country. Therefore, this study attempts to track the reactions of the Arab armies towards popular protests with a focus on the two countries of Egypt, so that the time scope of this study extends to include the period from January 25 to February 11 in the Egyptian case.

Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan 2018-2019

The study of the dynamics of civil-military relations in Pakistan following the emergence of a new political party after three decades of a two-party system in 2018 is a creative idea for research. The massive flow of information, as well as new modes of media and public engagement in the twenty-first century, has had a significant influence on Pakistanis, calling into question the military's lengthy involvement in Pakistani politics. Morris Janowitz's model of a 'constabulary force’ has given the idea of submission of the military to civilian authority as an ideal state of civil-military relations. It is an important model for the survival of Pakistan as a democratic nation and the military as a professional institution. This study has investigated the impact of the indirect involvement of the Pakistan army on the functioning of civil government, the democratic process, and the stability in the country. This paper systematically examines the working relationship of Imran Khan as Prime Minister of Pakistan with military leadership in his first year of power in the light of related issues of national and international politics. This work investigates Pakistan's prospects under a constabulary paradigm because its army has avoided direct involvement in politics and extended its role sitting behind the civilian faces after 2008. The Pakistani military has been working to promote the idea of non-interference in politics, which gives hope for Pakistan as a nation with rule of civilian supremacy. This paper also explains why the Pakistan army has avoided imposing martial law and instead created a new approach to manage political power in Pakistan.

Beyond Threats: How Allies and Bureaucratic Competition Shape the Initial Development of Military Cyber Capabilities

The politics of how nations design their militaries when they start developing new technologies is a critical question in international relations as it has implications on military effectiveness, civil-military relations, war conduct, power projection, and peace and stability. Cyber is the latest example of a technology that countries have started developing within their militaries. Yet, there is limited theoretical and empirical work on the factors that explain how nations choose to design their militaries to start developing cyber capabilities. Using panel data on state military organizations between 2000 and 2018, this article shows that allies and bureaucratic competition affect the military design choice whereas threats are insufficient in explaining this choice. These results are robust to a number of alternative specifications and generally succeed in out-of-sample prospective predictions. The findings have important implications for the study of national security policy, alliances, and innovation.

A Study on the Crisis Management for the Safety of the System in the Civil-Military Relations : Focusing on the Response of the New Military Political Intervention in the Film ‘12.12: THE DAY’

A Study on the Crisis Management for the Safety of the System in the Civil-Military Relations : Focusing on the Response of the New Military Political Intervention in the Film ‘12.12: THE DAY’

Military conduct model to strengthen civil military relations as a strategic operational change

The armed forces carry out permanent tasks in favor of society; however, military activities, values, and behaviors can be misinterpreted, damaging their image and generating public rejection. The objective was to understand specific characteristics of military personality that could be developed to strengthen civil-military relations. The research was based on human development under the concepts of Frankl and Rogers; individual behavior, grounded in Allport's trait theory; and social behavior, based on Tajfel and Turner's social identity theory. A critical interpretative epistemology was used, with a phenomenological paradigm; a retrospective cross-sectional design involving five civilians and five military members; the main instrument was the narrative autobiographical interview, whose pragmatic coding allowed the identification of leadership opportunities, to develop a value-based model with spiritual and social values that translate into social well-being

Attitudes of local population and armed forces in the Republic of Slovenia on the environmental impacts of peacetime military activities: unaddressed perspective in civil-military relations

The degradation of the natural environment is accelerated by anthropogenic factors such as intensive industrial production, population growth, and the spread of urban areas. The armed forces are a state institution that, given its size, activities, and capabilities, impacts the environment. Armed forces, by their purpose (defence of the state), train in the natural environment with which they create specific interactions. Modern theoretical perspectives on civil-military relations emphasize the need to redefine civil-military relations by incorporating new contents, to which we add an environmental dimension, define it, and present it using an example. Successfully addressing military environmental issues at the local level contributes to stable civil-military relations. With an empirical study conducted in the Republic of Slovenia, we determined the views of the local population (in proximity to a military training ground) and members of a selected unit of the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) on the military environmental impacts. The survey included 146 residents of Prestranek and 298 members of the 1st Brigade (SAF). The data collected through the questionnaire were analysed using quantitative data analysis and interpreted in the context of the environmental dimension of civil-military relations in the Republic of Slovenia. Residents of Prestranek perceive energy-chemical impacts, hazardous impacts, and restrictions of environmental rights to be significantly more threatening to the environment compared to the members of the 1st Brigade. We explain divergences with certain factors that reinforce the local population’s opposition concerning the environmental impacts of military activities (environmental awareness, proximity to a military installation, long-term military presence, imposed and past experiences, frustrations, etc.) and point toward an uncompleted model of civil-military relations in the Republic of Slovenia relating to environmental dimension.

The Role of the Indonesian Military in Early Independence: Nationalist and Socialist-Communist Views

In the early years of Indonesia’s independence, the role and position of the military became a subject of debate involving various ideological perspectives, particularly between nationalist and socialist-communist factions. The nationalist group tended to view the military as a state apparatus responsible for maintaining national stability and sovereignty, while the socialist-communist faction saw it as a revolutionary force that should actively participate in class struggle and social transformation. These differing perspectives influenced military policies and the relationship between the military and civilian government, creating tensions that led to various political dynamics. This article analyzes how these two perspectives shaped the doctrine and policies of the Indonesian military and their impact on civil-military relations throughout the nation’s history. Using a historical approach and document analysis, this study aims to examine how these two perspectives influenced the concept and discourse on the role of the Indonesian military in politics during the early independence period.

Civil-Military Relations and Democratic Backsliding

Civil-Military Relations and Democratic Backsliding

The Deep State in Action: Military Influence on Pakistan’s Political System since 1958

Since 1958 Pakistan's government system has experienced substantial influence from its military authority which goes by the name Deep State. The Deep State label describes how military personnel together with intelligence agencies maintain their durable power to guide national decisions from hidden positions. Historic military involvement in Pakistan's politics extends across all eras as the military has exercised both direct governance and hidden political power over civilian government authorities. This paper investigates the military's rising political power from General Ayub Khan's 1958 coup through present times while assessing the direct effects of military rule on democratic processes, civil-military relations, and Pakistan's overall governance system. The paper examines military power using historical analysis to show its effect on democratic institutions along with creating political turmoil and explores political leaders' connections to civil society and military forces.

Soldiers in parliament: Military power and legislative authority in Uganda

Abstract The Ugandan military has played an outsized role in Uganda’s national politics for decades. Since 1995, the Constitution of Uganda has allocated 10 seats in the Ugandan Parliament to members of the national army, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), which is considered one of several ‘interest groups’ represented in the legislature. The unusual arrangement of including soldiers in parliament raises important questions about democratization, political institutionalization, and civil–military relations in Africa. This article argues that in Uganda, the practice of having soldiers in parliament is rooted in the country’s civil–military relations, driven by ideology, patronage, and political influence, which are components of a broader strategy that helps maintain the stability and dominance of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and the National Resistance Movement regime. Data are drawn from interviews with current and former UPDF officers and parliamentary officials, a review of government publications, articles in the Ugandan press, and reports by local civil society organizations.

Preserving Ghana's Military Heritage: An Enquiry into the Intangible Heritage Assets of the Ghana Navy

The study sought to investigate the intangible heritage of the Ghana Navy after the Second World War (WW II). It examined what constitutes intangible heritage, who determines these heritage assets, and the relevance of its conservation. Using an interpretive research approach, the study explored intangible heritage assets of the Ghana Navy and their associated tourism potential. Drawing on civil-military relations theory, the study aims at understanding the relationship between the military and society in preservation and promotion of military heritage. Using, ethnographic research design, the study used observation and participants’ interview. Primary data was collected from both active and veterans of the Ghana Navy while secondary data sources were obtained from archival, library, and other literary sources. The findings revealed that the Ghana Navy has been built by many years of experience, customs, and traditions which form the bedrock of the institution. However, there was a general lack of publicity on these heritages and the tourism potential associated with them. It also contributed to the public understanding of the Ghana Navy’s collections of intangible assets, while also deepening the understanding of the military as an institution with an enduring history and legacy as well as the tourism potential of naval heritage in Ghana.

Mystery in civil–military relations! The unknown “European practice”

ABSTRACT This article assesses the limitations of European Union (EU) documents regarding the sociological aspects of civil–military relations. Although these documents aim to improve the relationship between the civil and military sectors, their focus predominantly remains on institutional aspects. Noteworthy exceptions include Airspace Management, where the complexities of their interaction receive heightened attention. Through a comprehensive analysis of EU documents, this study uncovers three key findings: (1) a noticeable deficiency in addressing internal EU civil–military relations, as discussions surrounding civilian oversight and military democracy primarily pertain to non-EU nations; (2) a prevailing emphasis on institutional coordination that neglects the sociological aspects of civil–military interactions; and (3) the opportunity to strengthen the sociological aspects of coordination within the cyber domain, given its inherent characteristics that may facilitate civil–military collaboration. These findings are further analysed by investigating the foundational aspects of the EU’s conceptualisation of civil–military relations and the influence of the ambiguous notion of “European Practice” on this perspective.

“Hands off the keyboard”: NATO’s cyber-defense of civilian critical infrastructure

ABSTRACT Severe state and state-sponsored cyberattacks against critical infrastructure (CI) is a pressing issue in contemporary conflicts. NATO member states have recognized cyberspace as a new domain of war – one through which adversaries will target CI to both commence and prosecute conflict. Given this: How do NATO member state militaries understand their part in protecting civilian CI from cyberattacks that constitute casus belli? Drawing on original, empirical evidence – 31 interviews and 1 focus group with senior military, defense, and intelligence cyber experts from 12 NATO states – this article argues that militaries regard themselves as unable, unauthorized, and ill-suited to protect CI from cyberattacks that initiate or occur in war. Instead, NATO member states overwhelmingly rely on private corporations (notably their civilian employees) for the protection of CI – including in violent conflict. This article provides original, empirical evidence to confirm the claim that the theory of Civil-Military Relations (CMR) falters when applied to cyberspace. It also asks cutting normative questions attendant with private corporations being on the front line of cyber-defense during war and argues that cyberspace obfuscates the boundaries of modern-day conflicts. This forces a re-examination of the military’s role in 21st century wars.

How military forecasting projects can promote exceptionalist militarism: The French Red Team project and the securitization of the future

This article examines the puzzle of the French Red Team: how to make sense of the mediatization of a military threat forecasting project that is officially aimed at promoting internal innovation? Building a conceptual bridge between the civil–military relations scholarship and securitization theory, the article argues that the project should be understood as a securitizing movement with the aim of securitizing future threats to the integrity of the nation-state and thus justifying exceptionalist militarism in the present. A discourse analysis reveals how the project incorporates sedimentary discourses in contemporary French civil–military relations, constructing a future narrative in which the armed forces are the ultimate protector of the integrity of the nation-state, as civilian authorities are unable to fulfil this role. The performativity of this securitizing move can be illustrated with regard to its reception by mainstream French media, which portray the project scenarios as credible narratives of future threats due to the perceived independent nature of the mobilized artistic and scientific knowledge. The article thus contributes to an emerging research agenda that takes military institutions more seriously as securitizing actors, including via apparently apolitical, technocratic forecasting projects.

Reevaluating Conventional Strategies: Harnessing Traditional Structures to Counter Violent Extremism in Pakistan

Civil-military relations constitute a complex area of international relations through the interaction of military institutions, civil society, and other governmental bureaucracies. Civil-military relations investigate the dynamics of engagement between the military and the general public, as well as the obligation of society to scrutinize the foreign and military strategies of the government. Traditional structures, including informal associations, ethical standards, and communal conventions, have played a pivotal role in Pakistan’s efforts to quell violent insurgencies. These structures have substantially contributed to effectively eliminating extremist ideologies in cooperation with the military. The article explores the significance of a collaborative partnership between traditional structures and military organizations in combating insurgency and, ultimately, successfully eliminating terrorism. Three fundamental groups compose the traditional political system in Pakistan: the Jirga, the Lashkar, and the Clergy. Since 2012, this structure has been employed by the military across multiple tiers to suppress insurgencies, predominantly in the FATA, Swat region, Dir, and other districts where the authority of the state is at risk. The strategic alliance between the military and traditional structures is critical for combating insurgency.

A Paradigm Shift in Policy-making: The Evolution of Thailand's Anti-Communism Strategy through Prime Minister's Office Order No. 66/2523

Background and Objectives: This article studies the historical and political significance of the Prime Minister's Office Order No. 66/2523, a landmark directive that transformed Thailand's approach to communist insurgency. This study analyzes how international geopolitical shifts, particularly in Sino-American relations and regional dynamics, combined with domestic factors to catalyze a fundamental change in Thailand's counter-insurgency strategy. The order marked a crucial transition from military suppression to a more nuanced "politics leading military" approach that recognized communist sympathizers not merely as security threats but as citizens influenced by political ideologies and state-induced grievances. Methods: Utilizing historical research methodology and drawing on both primary and secondary documents, this article traces the evolution of Thai anti-communist policies from the 1960s to the early 1980s. The research particularly focuses on how external factors - including the U.S. strategic realignment in Asia, China's pragmatic turn under Deng Xiaoping, and Vietnam's regional ambitions - interacted with domestic political developments to create both the necessity and opportunity for making the unprecedented policy in anti-communism. Results: Key findings demonstrate that Order 66/2523 represented more than a tactical shift in counter-insurgency; it reflected Thailand's growing diplomatic maturity in leveraging changing international dynamics to address domestic challenges. While the order facilitated the reintegration of former insurgents and their sympathizers, it also served broader strategic purposes in Thailand's regional positioning. This analysis contributes to understanding how domestic policy innovation can emerge from the intersection of international pressures and local imperatives, offering lessons for contemporary approaches to political reconciliation and security challenges. Application of this study: This analysis provides insights into the development of Thai military doctrine and civil-military relations. It demonstrates how external and internal factors combine to drive policy evolution, with implications for understanding modern counter-insurgency approaches. Conclusions: While Order 66/2523 marked an important shift in official policy, its success built on pre-existing conditions. The study challenges the superficial perspective about the order's impact while acknowledging its significance in Thai military concepts about political solutions to the security challenge problem. This analysis not only contributes to a deeper understanding of Thailand's political maneuvers during the critical Cold War juncture but also underscores the complex interplay between domestic policies and international relations. The study demonstrates how a successful and creative policy often emerges from a combination of international opportunities with domestic imperatives, offering the thoughts that can be adapted to contemporary challenges in political reconciliation and security policy.

Accountability, Bureaucratic Discretion, and Civil-Military Relations

All democracies wrestle with the problem of representation. Most people intuitively understand this through electoral politics, but this connection is less clear when we consider bureaucracy. And when it comes to civil-military relations, many think about this problem in terms of “civilian control.” We present a different approach and contribute to this literature in three ways. First, we critique assumptions often used in thinking about civilian control. Second, we offer a classification system with three schools of thought on the problem of bureaucratic accountability. These are the (a) political control school (representation through the politics-administration dichotomy and compliance model), (b) responsiveness through institutional design school (representation through formal institutions), and (c) responsibility through values school (representation through informal institutions). We provide examples from scholarship and cinema for each school to aid in understanding and to facilitate teaching and learning. Third, using bureaucratic accountability as an organizing concept, we propose bureaucratic discretion as a different organizing problem or puzzle for civil-military relations scholars to consider. Furthermore, by providing an organizing concept for civil-military relations using insights from the field of public administration, we additionally lay the groundwork to encourage public administration scholars to conduct research on civil-military relations.