Civic Sense Research Articles

Decolonizing what? Categories, concepts and the enduring ‘not yet’

What does it mean to decolonize? At one level, decolonization refers to the attainment of political sovereignty. The transfer of power from colonial to regional and indigenous authorities, however, also involves a handover of political forms and institutions. This process leaves behind some of the narratives that accompany coloniality, even if refashioned versions of these. This enduring coloniality resides within and proliferates through the categories of political discourse. In India, we may find its continual hum in tirades against ‘corruption’ or in laments that Indians lack a ‘civic sense’. The decolonial project, having found expression in nationalist movements, in political and epistemic resistance, and in reform and revival, therefore continues to be undertaken in the language of coloniality, which obscures all that resides outside the colonial worldview.

Using courts to build states: The competing spaces of citizenship in transitional justice programmes

This paper examines how establishing a new legal institution shapes understandings and practices of citizenship. It does so through a study of the creation of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CBiH) between 2002 and 2014 and, in particular, its emerging jurisdiction over war crimes trials since 2006. International sponsors of this institution herald the establishment of the Court as an important step toward achieving justice for the crimes committed during the 1992–1995 conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). But alongside its legal function, intervening agencies have emphasised an allied objective to use the Court to consolidate state structures and foster a civic sense of Bosnian citizenship. Using qualitative data, this paper argues that the creation of the CBiH illuminates a series of divergent understandings of citizenship. In particular, while the court seeks to convey a concept of liberal democratic citizenship, this is only achieved through the enrolment of civil society actors operating across BiH territory. Rather than heralding a series of ‘grassroots’ alternatives to official scripts, these social agents see the value of a universal understanding of justice structured around equality and rights, but often failed to see this expressed in the activities of the Court. The paper concludes by reflecting on the relationship between law and citizenship, where the imagined sense of universal jurisdiction is undermined by social concerns relating to the barriers that prevent access to justice.

English

The present piece of presentation is also an attempt to make people aware of their role and responsibility towards sanitation during festive occasion through a case study of world famous mass gathering event DhanuYatra of Bargarh district presenting the civic sense of rural India. The present study, a case study of Dhanuyatra, aims at getting into the details of the operational planning for environmental aspect that goes into the preparation of such mega event. It also aims at outlining the good practices at the field level that could be adopted for any other festival. This study would examine good practices and gaps in overall management of the event and derive useful recommendations for organizing the event in an effective manner.

Парадигма педагогической герменевтики в подготовке управляющих учебными заведениями

Парадигма педагогической герменевтики в подготовке управляющих учебными заведениями

On kindness of strangers in tourism

Putnam captured the world’s imagina-tion by invoking the metaphor of a solitary bowler to represent a chronic drop in voluntary associationmemberships, including organized bowling leagues, a trend he characterized as havingdestructive impli-cations for the social fabric of America. In alerting scholars and policymakers to changes in the terrain ofcommunity relations, Putnam called for greater attention to the intensifying corrosion of generalizedtrust and reciprocity, values he regarded as crucial to the facilitation of social cooperation. Putnambelieved the dramatic decline in social and civic engagement meant relative strangers were less likelyto interact, thereby failing to build meaningful relationships and generate the social capital necessaryfor a well-functioning society. By social capital, Putnam (1993, p. 167) meant ‘‘features of social organi-zation, such as trust, norms, and networks, that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coor-dinated actions.’’ In many ways, Putnam simply refashioned an age-old idea in a new way: the decline ofsocial capital, he observed, marked a significant loss of community.The purpose here is to argue that Putnam’s work can be uniquely forwarded in tourism studieswithin an emerging civic framework of tourism and positive psychology (the study of what makes lifeworth living). To be sure, social capital has emerged as a growing area of interest in tourism research,focusing on (1) tourism business networks, management, and economic development (see Hall T Jones, 2005; McGehee, Lee, O’Bannon, & Perdue, 2010; von Friedrichs Grangsjo G Zhao, Ritchie, & Echtner, 2011); (2) community engagement in tourism destina-tions (see Moscardo, 2008; Okazaki, 2008); and (3) social tourism issues (see McCabe, 2009;Minnaert, Maitland, & Miller, 2009). Nevertheless, tourism scholars remain surprisingly silent onsocial capital in the civic sense that Putnam invoked it.If anything, tourism experiences are routinely characterized as being complicit in the loss of com-munity that Putnam bemoaned. Bauman (2000) described tourism as symptomatic of developing‘‘peg’’ communities—that is, ‘‘. . . communities formed by the act of hanging individual concerns on

The Concept of Civic Sustainability is Need of Hour

This study examines the important challenges related to the sustainability. This study is based on review of the existing literature on sustainable development. However the question is that whether environmental education, awareness and people participation can improve the human life. How can sustainability challenges overcome through creating the awareness about the environmental problems? The objective is also to create a sense of responsibility through education, participation and action as group, individual. This study fills the gap of people’s actually sustainable behavior and attitude and provides useful implication for decision maker for public policy. This study suggests that, it is more appropriate and feasible to create a civic sense in the society about the sustainability issues, which are associated with civic citizenship education, civic awareness and civic participation. The concept of civic sustainability (be able to think and act) empowers change in society through civic education, civic awareness and civic participation.

Civic sense and cleanliness: pedagogy and aesthetics in middle-class Mumbai activism

A new type of civil society movement led by the urban middle class has grown with increasing economic liberalization, one that aims to eliminate ‘filth’, including garbage, slums, and street stalls, from the city's public space and to create a ‘world-class’ city. These movements have been critically analyzed as a phenomenon representing a new India aspiring to progress based on consumerism and pleasure at the cost of the poor. ‘Fight the Filth’, organized by a Mumbai English-language tabloid, is one campaign of this type. This paper aims to provide a new perspective to understand these controversial movements by focusing on the forms and aesthetics of this campaign. It illustrates the demands on the middle class in public culture, both to catch up with global India's new consumer aesthetics and to be proper citizens responsible for the society at large, and considers how the middle class is coping with this.

Sewerage's Reproduction of Caste

The development of Ahmedabad's sewerage system both impinged upon and was itself modified to accommodate India's caste structure. Sewers became markers of legitimacy, sophistication, and moral citizenship through the notion of the “civic sense,” having corporeal, political, and economic repercussions upon the untouchable Bhangi caste, whose livelihood changed from sweeping gutters to clearing choked sewer pipes. Sanitation technology's humane intents were subverted over time by how the sewers were used and maintained, as caste discrimination was perpetuated under the aegis of public well-being and urban necessity.

La dimensión ciudadana en las reformas de la administración pública

El artículo destaca la importancia de la dimensión ciudadana y democrática en las reformas de la administración pública, bajo la modalidad de la Nueva Gestión Pública (NGP), en las que han quedado marginadas en la agenda administrativa. En un primer apartado, se aborda de manera sucinta el tema de la reforma administrativa, definición y enfoques para abordarla, en particular en América Latina; en un segundo apartado se describe el déficit ciudadano en la reforma administrativa, destacando la importancia de considerar la variable ciudadana en esta clase de reforma; y en un tercer apartado, se describe y argumenta la necesidad de una reforma administrativa participativa y democrática, que permita recuperar el sentido ciudadano en los procesos de transformación dentro de la discusión de la NGP. Al final, se enumeran algunas ideas que pueden considerarse como conclusiones y la bibliografía mínima consultada.

ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺄﺨﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻻﻋﻼﻤﻲ

لابد من التأكيد ان الاعلام هو من الدراسات الانسانية التي يتداخل فيها العلم بقديمة وجديدة، وان الكشوفات الاعلامية هي فيزياء الاتصال الجديد.لقد عَبَرَ عالم الفيزياء ومؤلف كتاب (رؤى مستقبلية)، ميتشيو كاكو عن هذهِ الحقيقة حين قال:" وكباحث فيزيائي، اعتقد ان الفيزيائيين كانوا موفقين على الاخص في التنبوء بالخطوط العريضة للمستقبل، وانا اعمل مهنياَ في اكثر من الحقول اساسية في الفيزياء وهي المحاولة لتحقيق حلم انشتاين في ايجاد (نظرية لكل شي..)، ونتيجة لذلك فأنني اذكر دوماَ بالسبل التي تلامس فيها فيزياء الكم عدداَ من الاكتشافات الرئيسية التي شغلت القرن العشرين".ثم يصل الى الحقيقة التي تضع الكشوفات الفيزيائية في خدمة العملية الاعلامية فيقول:" لقد شاركنا بشكل وثيق بأدخال عدد من الاختراعات الرئيسية كالتلفزيون والراديو والرادار والترانزستر والكومبيوتر.. وتصميم الانترنيت والشبكة العنكبوتية العالميـة. .وتكمن مشكلة البحث في اننا رسمنا حدود البحث عند مطلع الالفية الثالثة، اي بعد بروز ظاهرة برلسكوني الايطالي، وان اهمية البحث تكمن في تشخيص الظاهرة الجديدة التي تتنافى واخلاقيات العمل الاعلامي.الا ان مشكلة البحث ستظل قائمة، متكثلة بهذا التحول المستمروالسعي المرير لجمع السلطات الثلاث، كما ان فك الاشتباك سيكون من اولويات البحث، علماً ان الفتوحات الكبيرة التي تحققت لوسائل الاعلام ستجعل من عمليات الرصد مهمة صعبة.يظهر مما تقدم أن اخلاقيات العمل الاعلامي تواجه مخاطر جسيمة بمستوى الكشوفات الأعلامية الجديدة التي اطلقت العنان لوسائل الاعلام لكي تصل الى مدارات جديدة، وفضاءات عديدة.وقد تم تشخيص الخطر الجديد المتمثل بـ (العولمة الليبرالية)، التي تسعى الى تكوين مجموعات اعلامية متعددة الجنسيات والتي تجمع بيدها سلطة السياسة وسلطة الاعلام وسلطة المال.والواقع.. وفي الجبهة الثانية هناك من يعمل على وقف هذا الزحف الاعلامي الجديد، وقد آشرنا الى محاولات خبير الأعلام أنياسيو رامونيه الذي طالَبَ بأنشاء سلطة خامسة وتأسيس مرقب اعلامي، لكن مستوى العمل لم تسجل هذهِ المطالبات شيئاً ملموساً، بينما جبهة العولمة الليبرالية فأن القطار الأعلامي الجديد يسير الى ابعد مدياتهُ.اذا كان لنا رأي في هذا الميدان.. فأن المطلوب هو بث (ثقافة اعلامية)، جماهيرية تشكل بمضمونها حصانة اعلامية للمواطن.. بمعنى ان المتلقي العادي يمكن ان يكشف خيوط اللعبة الاعلامية من خلال ذات المصدر الواحد والبعد الواحد والهدف الواحد.ان الحس المدني للاعلام هو الذي سيساعد على كشف خفايا اللعبة الاعلامية الكبيرة، كذلك يقلل من الأشتباك بين السلطات الثلاث- سلطة الدولة/ سلطة الاعلام/ وسلطة المال.. لكن لا يستطيع في النهاية من تفكيكهُ والغائهُ في المرحلة الراهنة

« Il y a de l'or dans cette poussière. » L'intellectuel démocratique et la résistance aux tyrannies

“ Then we must stay on the watch forever, and we will ”, Elie Halevy had confided to his friend Xavier Leon on March 20th 1898, right in the heart of the “Dreyfus case” and he was deeply convinced that philosophy only could create a link between ethics and politics, in accordance with Spinoza. Nearly forty years later, as Europe was spread through by much more serious threats than the assertion of reasons of state in the Republic, these same democratic intellectuals expressed the urgency of a critical watch out and a civic sense of responsibility. They developed the foundations of a real resistance of democracy with an accurate definition of the enemy, that is the totalitarian systems, requiring a deeper philosophical thought assuming the historical dimension down to its most unthinkable extreme. So that the Dreyfus standard of common freedom, human rights and those of the citizen reached a meaning in that century of totalitarian systems which started with the first World War. The opposition to liberal values conquered during the fighting about the Dreyfus case led the same men to react with the same determination to dangers still greater, marking a new age of the philosophical trend which remains mostly unknown up to now and which is a link between the main Jewish thinkers.

Birth, Blood and Belonging: Identity Claims in Post-Devolution Scotland

Scotland is often seen as a good example of a civic/territorial rather than an ethnic/cultural form of nationalism. From the 1970s the campaign for a Scottish parliament stressed an inclusive, residence based, civic sense of being Scottish, and more recently, Scotland's political elites have seen the new parliament as an endorsement of territorial belonging. How valid are these assumptions? To what extent is political ideology at odds with people's sense of their national identity? Using a qualitative approach, we explore different identity claims currently being made in post-devolution Scotland – those based on blood, birth and belonging. We argue that these are better conceptual tools for the purpose of unravelling the complexities of identity politics in this context than the contrast between civic and ethnic. Our data come from the Scottish part of a study in England and Scotland, and focus on three sets of respondents: English migrants to Scotland making blood or birth claims to Englishness and/or Britishness; English migrants making belonging claims to Scottishness; and Scottish nationals making claims for themselves as well as assessing migrants’ claims. We also explore the significance of constitutional change in the context of respondents’ identity negotiations, and examine whether it has affected their understandings of Scottishness.

THE CONTEXT OF CHRISTIAN WITNESS IN THE 21ST CENTURY

If 'you analyze the context of Christian witness in Germany are confronted with the difficulty that the ideological and religious developments of our time cannot be reduced to a few types. There are numerous publications written with the intention of scrutinizing our present time in order to discover promising currents and trends with future prospects. Recently, such attempts have tended to be increasingly unsuccessful. If compare different diagnostic analyses, the difference in their results will be obvious. In a rapidly changing modem world, even trend forecasts are subject to a tendency rapidly to grow old (1). Some people claim to know not only about the present but also about future developments, and base their forecasts on experience and intuition. Such forecasts must be regarded as rather dubious. In addition, every trend seems to be accompanied by an anti-trend. Characteristic trends in our present civilization obviously produce counterforces. Thesis as well as anti-thesis describes reality and helps to interpret developments of our time. 1. Trends and anti-trends * Cultural exchange and internationalism have been accompanied by the tendency to revert to nationalism, radicalism, violence and hatred of foreigners. Tolerance and intolerance have grown simultaneously. On the basis of the developments we can observe in our society, both ideas make sense. On the one hand, there is the idea that cultural and religious differences will be less important in the future. On the other hand, there is the prospect of a clash of civilizations. (2) * Secularization has been gaining ground. The fall of the Berlin wall undoubtedly gave a new push towards secularization. However, we can also observe since the early 1970s a development characteristic of our postmodern time, i.e., a return of religion, the emergence of new religious movements and the search for a new religiosity. For the most part this religious search has lost touch with Christian tradition. At the same time, there is a growing Islamic and Buddhist presence in our society, caused by migration. Buddhism is a trend-religion in the Western world, including Germany. (3) * In connection with the increase of secularization, religion is often regarded as a private matter. Religion has been pushed away into a private sphere; at the same time, secular life has become more and more religious. (4) The many religious themes and motifs used for advertising purposes are obvious examples of this phenomenon. My blood for you does not only occur in the liturgy of the Lord's supper, but is also a slogan of the German Red Cross Organization. You can read it on your way to the railway station or underground. * On the one hand, our society is characterized by individualism. On the other hand, we can observe the existence of community movements. These criticize the negative and destructive results of the excessive individualism of Western societies. They say individual rights and the individual's responsibility for the community need to have a new balance. The movements aim at a renewal of society by refraining from an idealization of the free individual. Instead, they want to strengthen the civic sense and social institutions, such as the family. (5) Processes of individualization have been accompanied by the emergence of many groups. * Hopes of a religious as well as of a secular character still play an important part and are characterized by the expectation of progress and growth. At the same time, such hopes are regarded sceptically and there are corresponding anti-movements. Progress in science and technology, for example in the field of genetic research, is nurturing optimistic visions of an ideal world and of human life unaffected by illness and suffering. For others this progress is feeding an apocalyptic pessimism: They are expecting the end of history and the end of humankind as it now exists. …

The Consent of the Governed: The Lockean Legacy in Early American Culture (review)

Reviewed by: The Consent of the Governed: The Lockean Legacy in Early American Culture Edward Larkin (bio) The Consent of the Governed: The Lockean Legacy in Early American Culture. Gillian Brown. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2001. Pages 237, Price 49.95, ISBN 0-674-00298-9. For the past three decades, with the ascendancy of the republican synthesis in historical and literary studies of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, John Locke's contributions and influence over [End Page 170] this crucial era in American cultural and political history have been downplayed by most scholars of early America. Jay Fliegelman's Prodigals and Pilgrims and, more recently, Steven Dworetz's The Unvarnished Doctrine both offer important challenges to this view of Locke's influence. Gillian Brown's new book, The Consent of the Governed, represents a stunning new addition to the study of Locke's American influence and clearly establishes Locke's centrality to the formation of the nation and its incipient cultural production. Rather than seeking to overturn the place of republicanism in early America, Brown shows how Locke's philosophy and particularly his pedagogical theories played an integral role in the development of new ideas, most significantly a particular sense of the individual, in Europe and America that would make the American Revolution possible. She deconstructs the binarism between liberalism and republicanism that has profoundly marked the study of early America in recent years, and offers a more nuanced and compelling understanding of the philosophical foundations of late eighteenth-century Anglo-American culture. Instead of competing with republicanism, in fact, in Brown's analysis Lockean ideas serve as a critical foundation for "the civic sense registered by republicanism" (9). With claims such as this one in her introduction, Brown makes it clear that her book will yield a significantly different understanding of Locke's influence on the eighteenth century and the literature produced as a consequence of the dissemination of his thought. Principally focused on Locke's complex theories of consent, The Consent of the Governed deftly traces the development of this influential concept, which informed theories of education, politics, and family relations in the eighteenth century. The first major task of Brown's book is to recover Locke's ideas as they appeared and were circulated in the eighteenth century. As Brown points out early in her text, for the last half-century or so we have received a version of Locke that has served the political and ideological needs of twentieth-century liberals, that is distinctly different from the Locke that eighteenth-century Americans would have encountered. The center of her book is ameticulous close reading of Locke's theories of consent and education and the various versions of them that circulated in early America. Brown's readings of Locke are not only fascinating and insightful but also original. In perhaps the most startling and provocative insight of the book, Brown points out the extent to which Locke's notions of consent are located specifically in the person of the child. For [End Page 171] this reason, Locke's educational theories supersede his political arguments in their breadth of influence on eighteenth-century culture. In the first half of the study, then, Brown analyzes a number of key texts where children or childhood figure prominently, beginning with the New England Primer. Her reading of the ways the various woodcuts illustrating the text supplement, complement, and complicate the written messages of the Primer is nothing less than a tour de force of literary and visual analysis. Repeatedly, the woodcuts, rather than simply confirming the message of text, generate their own potential meanings and invite readers to meditate on the meaning of the words attached to them. The meanings generated by the woodcuts often compete (even if only slightly) with the meanings offered by the verses. By offering the child a choice, this supplementary relationship between the words and the woodcuts in the Primer asks the child to decide for him- or herself what is the ultimate meaning embedded in the text. Thus, the relationship between the words and the woodcuts in the Primer enacts the process of consent that is so central to the pedagogical mission of...

Civic Engagement and Sense of Community in the Military

ABSTRACT In the context of current discussions among social commentators about the status and well being of community in American society, this article examines the nature of civic engagement and sense of community in the U.S. military. Framed by social disorganization theory, a conceptual model is developed and tested with a sample of married active duty Air Force (AF) members. Our analysis examines variations in perceptions of sense of community as a consequence of three indicators of civic engagement: community capacity, community connections, and community participation. The results suggest that community participation plays a particularly important role in influencing the sense of community that active duty members feel. Human service organizations and unit leaders are discussed as critical resources in promoting civic engagement and strengthening the sense of community among AF members.

Urban development in Germany — perspectives for the future

The essay portrays urban development in Germany at the end of the 20th century in the transition from Industrial Modernity to the New Modernity. The city of the Industrial Modernity is described as a traditionally ‘closed’ and ‘mixed’ city. It corresponds to the classical European model of the compact city with a clearly defined centre and a surrounding area which is unambiguously oriented towards this centre. This urban model is disintegrating in Germany. The essay explains this lingering but fundamental process of change. The inner cities are decreasing in importance in favour of the urban fringe, traditional relationships and connections with our cities are lost, new regional activity areas are emerging in the environs of cities. Although the urban impacts of new communication technologies have not been completely clarified, they are changing previous local relationships in the cities. This is not without consequences for urban neighbourhood relationships. The increasing polarisation in German society also affects urban structure. The social mixture in cities disappears on a small scale, public spaces are losing their functions, undesirable population groups are excluded from participation in urban life in new shopping, leisure and transport facilities. The interaction between private and public agents who influence and determine urban development has changed in recent years, and the civic sense of responsibility for the city must be newly defined. Hopes are put into the debates on the Local Agenda and - in spite of its dangers - into a project-oriented planning approach.

No-Tobacco Day Targets Workplace as UN World Health Campaign Moves Into Fifth Year

SUNDAY is the fifth World No-Tobacco Day. The sponsoring World Health Organization says this year's theme is "Tobacco-free Workplaces." The World Health Organization is an autonomous unit within the United Nations system with headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. Hiroshi Nakajima, MD, PhD, the organization's director-general who is committed to major international reductions in tobacco use, has made recent appearances in the United States including at the John Hopkins University School of Hygiene and Public Health's 75th anniversary program in Baltimore, Md, late last month. He says that the World Health Organization already is appealing to public officials and "to the civic sense of individuals" to halt the use of tobacco. Now, he says, "on May 31, we're turning to workers and employers." So, apparently, is at least one tobacco company. It's reported that Philip Morris Inc is sponsoring 15 country music concerts this year, 10 of which are to be on

Historical Music Sociology: The Simplicissimus Phenomenon

For example, up until the 19th century, the social position of the musician did not carry any significant importance, because in the civic sense, he hardly had a place in society, within the framevs ork of urban development, until the second half of the 18th century when the musicians' guilds representing their interests were forined. Hungary was in a unique situation in the 17th century. For more than 600 years it had been living in the same place with its centre in between the Danube and the Tisza Rivers and surrounded by the Carpathian Mountains the tectonic continuation of the Alps towards the east. The Turkish-Moslim conquest reached the Hungarian stretch of the Danube as early as in the 16th century; then it was directed towards Vienna. In the beginning B:ungary was a military springboard, but then everits occurred that allowed the Turks to stay in the middle and western parts of the country for 150 years. They introduced their own public administra,tion. They exerted little influence on Hungarian culture. They permitted a free practice of religion until the very end of their dominion. Hungarian culture however was still divided into several parts. It was in this period that the Reformation spread (into the Turkishdominated territories too), the Hungarian literary language was formulated and Latin was replaced by the preva,iling national language. The country was cut into three parts: the territory north of the middle part of the country belonging to the Turks was ruled by the IIabsburg dynasty -with a number of German groups settled there while in the east there was a Hungarian principality, Transylvania, autonomous but dependent upon the Turks. Cultural lifeeven from the sociological point of view was evened out or Wsimilar in the North and in the East.

La communauté des semblables ou la démocratie en œuvre

Michèle Riot-Sarcey, The Community of Peers, or Democracy at Work In the minds of the delegates to the constitutional convention who formulated the declaration of rights, indivisible sovereignty was possible only among free and equal men or peers. Liberty in the civic sense of the term meant to be able to partake of sovereignty to the same extent as national representatives. Two traditions, liberal and republican, contributed to the realization of these principles. Each tended to forge a community of equal men. One led citizens to liberty, the other to fraternity and service to the Nation State. But the liberty of individuals was forgotten. Because they are different, throughout the Nineteenth Century women were able to unmask the mystifications of this form of democracy. Only they understood the real meaning of republican principles.

Politics and Social Indentity: Introduction

In the first years of the postcolonial era, students of politics in the new nation- states often assumed that “primordial” ties of kinship, language, ethnicity, and religion would gradually give way to a more encompassing sense of national political community. The emergence of such an expanded civic sense, it was hoped, would be paralleled by the development of economic, educational, and even religious institutions similarly premised on a broader, more socially accommodative, and self-consciously sustained concept of community. The expansion of political and economic opportunities made possible by the departure of European nationals, of course, might result in momentary incidents of communal competition. Ultimately, however, the social bases of conflict and solidarity would shift from their earlier organization to newly created bonds of class and profession, and the potential political divisiveness of these would be constrained by an overarching allegiance to national community and common interests. Although Marxist students of nation building rejected the integrative optimism of this model, they tended to assume that, in Asia as in Europe in earlier centuries, regional, ethnic, and religious allegiances would eventually give way to those of class and economic interest. Politics and social identity in Asia's new states were, in a word, “posttraditional,” and posttraditionalism was, almost by definition, political community in search of a new self.