Chronicle Narrative Research Articles

DID THE AUTHOR OF THE TALE OF IGOR’S CAMPAIGN KNOW THE CHRONICLE NARRATIVES ABOUT THE CAMPAIGN OF 1185? PART TWO

The article is devoted to the problem of textual connections between The Tale of Igor’s Campaign and the narratives about the campaign of Prince Igor in 1185, which are part of the chronicles of the Laurentian group and the Ipatiev Chronicle. Hypotheses and opinions belonging to various scholars are examined in detail: the idea of the absence of such connections, the assumption of the primacy of The Tale in relation to the narrative from the Ipatiev Chronicle, the statement of the secondary nature of the “song” about Igor’s campaign in relation to both narratives. The subject of attention is primarily the overview of concepts by P.E. Vadenyuk, I.P. Khrushchov, V.N. Peretz, A.A. Zimin, B.A. Rybakov, V.Yu. Franchuk, B.I. Yatsenko, L.V. Sokolova, A.N. Uzhankov. As a result of a critical analysis of the existing hypotheses and a comparative analysis of The Tale and two narratives, it is proved that this literary monument is secondary in relation to the narrative contained in the chronicles of the Laurentian group (apparently, to its core as part of the hypothetical Pereyaslav or Chernigov chronicles), and is primary in relation to the text of the narrative from the Ipatiev Chronicle. The idea of the dependence of The Tale of Igor’s Campaign on the narrative of the Laurentian group is assessed as quite convincing, and considerations in favor of the version of the secondary nature of The Tale in relation to the narrative of the Ipatiev Chronicle are recognized as contradicting the facts: the nature of the references to the Kayala River and the sea in both texts indicates that the chronicle was not the source of The Tale, but, on the contrary, the “song” influenced the chronicle narrative. The findings support the early dating of the Tale of Igor’s Campaign (mid to second half of the 1180s) and are indirect arguments in favor of the authenticity of the “song”.

DID THE AUTHOR OF THE TALE OF IGOR’S CAMPAIGN KNOW THE CHRONICLE NARRATIVES ABOUT THE CAMPAIGN OF 1185? PART 1

The article is devoted to the problem of textual connections between The Tale of Igor’s Campaign and the narratives about the campaign of Prince Igor in 1185, which are part of the chronicles of the Laurentian group and the Ipatiev Chronicle. Hypotheses and opinions belonging to various scholars are examined in detail: the idea of the absence of such connections, the assumption of the primacy of the Tale in relation to the narrative from the Ipatiev Chronicle, the statement of the secondary nature of the ‘song’ about Igor’s campaign in relation to both narratives. The subject of attention is primarily the overview of concepts by P.E. Vadenyuk, I.P. Khrushchov, V.N. Peretz, A.A. Zimin, B.A. Rybakov, V.Yu. Franchuk, B.I. Yatsenko, L.V. Sokolova, A.N. Uzhankov. As a result of a critical analysis of the existing hypotheses and a comparative analysis of the Tale and two narratives, it is proved that this literary monument is secondary in relation to the narrative contained in the chronicles of the Laurentian group (apparently, to its core as part of the hypothetical Pereyaslav or Chernigov chronicles), and is primary in relation to the text of the narrative from the Ipatiev Chronicle. The idea of the dependence of The Tale of Igor’s Campaign on the narrative of the Laurentian group is assessed as quite convincing, and considerations in favor of the version of the secondary nature of The Tale in relation to the narrative of the Ipatiev Chronicle are recognized as contradicting the facts: the nature of the references to the Kayala River and the sea in both texts indicates that the chronicle was not the source of The Tale, but, on the contrary, the ‘song’ influenced the chronicle narrative. The findings support the early dating of The Tale of Igor’s Campaign (mid to second half of the 1180s) and are indirect arguments in favor of the authenticity of the ‘song’.

“Davydova Skolota”: a historical-philological note to the text of the Primary Chronicle of Rus

The article examines a fragment of the Rus Primary Chronicle’s entry for 1097, in which the hapax legomenon “skolota” is used in relation with the accusations of Prince Davyd Ihorovych of Volodymyr in blinding Prince Vasylko Rostyslavych of Terebovl. The article analyses the tradition of interpretation of this word in the late medieval and early modern texts, namely chronicle compilations of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries as well as in Vasilii Tatischev’s historical work. It has been demonstrated that the authors or scribes of these texts did not understand the word “skolota” precisely. They tried to replace it with another expression, rephrase the phrase, or simply shorten this fragment of the Primary Chronicle. The versions of the translation of the relevant place of the text in modern scholarly translations into different languages are reviewed. In most cases, scholars have interpreted the word “skolota” and the relevant passage of the chronicle based on a general understanding of the context and artistic taste. The possible origin of the word is examined. Its place in the chronicle narrative, specifically in the context of the characters’ direct speech. The authors conclude that the word “skolota” has a Slavic etymology and is one of the relics of the Kyivan Rus elite’s vernacular.

Spices and Diplomacy of the Banten Sultanate with Foreign Kingdoms in the 16th- 19th Century

The Banten Sultanate was a pre-Indonesian Islamic kingdom from the 16th to early 19th centuries. Banten developed as a kingdom based on trade, its main commodity being pepper. In the 17th century, pepper became a spice with high value, so Banten used it as a diplomatic tool apart from being a trade commodity. As the destination of many foreign traders, it encouraged Banten to communicate with several kingdoms. Through historical research methods and a literature review, this article attempts to see diplomacy as one of the political activities of pre-Indonesian kingdoms. As a result, it can be seen that the Banten Sultanate carried out its diplomatic activities with several kingdoms, for example, Mecca (Ottoman), the Netherlands, England, Denmark, and France. This activity can be known from Banten's correspondence with the foreign kingdom and is supported by the chronicle narrative as colonial historiography. In this activity, the sultan of Banten often included several gifts, one of which was a large amount of pepper. Therefore, letters and other manuscripts can show Banten's position in diplomacy with other kingdoms, and pepper has an important role.

The Category of Time in the Chronicle Story about Princess Olga

The article deals with the analysis of the categories of time in chronicle stories about Princess Olga. As a result of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that the objective historicity of this historiographical plot was sacrificed for the artistic imagery of presentation. Considering the complex of chronicle stories about the Kiev princess, the researcher deals not with the activities of a particular historical figure, but with a literary image. The significance of this image was determined not objectively, but through the artistic comprehension of the era preceding the baptism of Rus’. The folklore and literary constructions united by the chronicler gave rise to redundant information that is not consistent with the coherent chronology of the chronicle narrative. All this leads to the fact that the dates available in the text are formed solely for the sake of the genre features of the text and are far from historical objectivity.

«Мстислава древний поединок…»: рассказ «Повести временных лет» в стихотворении В. Сосноры «Бой Мстислава с Редедей» (1959)

This paper deals with the poem by V. Sosnora, “The Battle of Mstislav with Rededya” (1959). The poem is based on the story of “The Russian Primary Chronicl” under 6530 (1022) devoted to the event mentioned in the title. According to the poet, when writing his “historical” poems, he “re-imagines” the material of ancient Russian monuments and brings it closer to the modern reader. The poet’s creative method was often misunderstood by critics and satirists who referred to his “irreverent” treatment of history. In terms of literary criticism, “re-imagining” implies using a rich palette of poetic means of allusions and associations, a deliberate mixture of ancient and modern, and others. Addressing the named story of “The Russian Primary Chronicl,” as well as to other chronicle stories and “The Song of Igor’s Campaign,” Sosnora creates a poetical plot. This plot emphasizes the dynamics of the duel of chronicle characters, marks individual features of their appearance, hides by default an important detail for the chronicle narrative (knife), and introduces a dialogue (an expressive squabble before the battle of the title characters), reworking the chronicle event to give the battle scene “visual”, “cinematic” effect. This could not be the case in Old Russian narration subordinated to literary etiquette. By arranging the semantic and rhythmic accents under his idea, the poet seems to offer a fantastic reconstruction of one of the Boyan’s songs.

Forms of Plague in Procopius of Caesarea (Procop. De bellis. IV.14) and Evagrius Scholasticus (Evagrius. Hist. ecc. IV.29): On the Development of Clinical Medicine in the Eastern Roman Empire in the Fourth Century

The article discusses the forms of plague through the eyes of the contemporaries of the first pandemic known in historiography as "Justinian’s Plague". The Latin authors of the 6th-8th centuries did not provide detailed descriptions of the previously unknown disease and limited themselves to brief mentions of the pestilence outbreaks in various areas of the Mediterranean. Following the laws of the genre of chronicle narrative (chronicles), they could only state the fact of the spread of a major epidemic in the known world, refraining from emotional remarks. The Greek writings of the 6th century contain more detailed descriptions of the plague symptoms, which allows us to largely restore the course of the disease as it was seen by late antique physicians. Procopius of Caesarea and Evagrius Scholasticus’s reports are based on the description of external symptoms, followed by the identification of key terms that describe patients’ general condition. The first cycle of the pandemic (mid 6th century) was distinguished by early attempts to study the plague in the texts. They were accompanied by intricate and often contradictory speculations of contemporaries, with the subsequent identification of three forms of plague in the patients in Constantinople and the eastern provinces. 50 years later (in the third cycle), the Greek authors already distinguished five forms of the disease with a strict definition of the accompanying symptoms and the absence of panic, which had been noticeable in the previous period. The analysis of narrative sources allows us to conclude that late antique and early medieval authors did not know the pneumonic form of plague, in contrast to the Black Death era. For comparison, in the XIV century. Byzantine authors referred to the symptoms of the Black Death in similar terms, and used the same literary devices to describe the devastation of Constantinople and Greece. For the first time, the pulmonary form is singled out separately only in the 14th century: in the “Histories” of John Kantakuzen, in the letters of Demetrius Cydonis and Nicephorus Grigora. Thus, the conclusion is made about the gradual accumulation of general knowledge about the clinical picture of Justinian’s Plague among late antique physicians, whose works prominent representatives of Greek and Latin historiography of the 6th-8th centuries relied on.

"АЗЪ ЖЕ ТОГО ОУБОӔВЪСѦ": ЭМОТИВНАЯ ЛЕКСИКА СТРАХА КАК ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКА КНЯЗЕЙ В "ПОВЕСТИ ВРЕМЕННЫХ ЛЕТ"

The research of terms denoting emotions is the main approach for the study of notions about human feelings that existed in the past. Because of the peculiarities of the ancient Russian book culture, we cannot find thorough and detailed descriptions related to the experiences of people in the works of that period. However, those texts contain emotive vocabulary. Exactly its analysis is especially important for understanding the ideas about the emotions of the Middle Ages. The analysis of the emotive language of fear shows, however, that the authors of the Tale of Bygone Years not only and not so much sought to express the feeling of their characters’ fear, but created the characteristics of the characters of the chronicle with the help of emotives. The article analyses the stories of the Tale of Bygone Years about the princes that contain lexemes of fear. Particular attention is paid to the usage contexts of the discovered emotives. The key result of the analysis presented that chroniclers used the emotive language of fear for the moral characterization of princes. The mention of this emotion marks the characters as villains and defines their actions as unrighteous. Fearlessness is as a positive characteristic of princes. Therefore, the emotive language of fear in the chronicle narrative primarily plays a symbolic role and becomes an important element of the evaluation that chroniclers give to their characters.

Failing to build a network as policy entrepreneurs: Greek politicians negotiating with the EU during the first quarter of SYRIZA in government

ABSTRACT The 2015 elections in Greece signalled a change in the country’s government. SYRIZA, the main party of the new coalition, was elected on the promise of clashing with the European and international institutions to alleviate the burden of foreign control on Greece’s policies and politics. Through a chronicle narrative, this article explains the behaviour of the two main actors for Greece, i.e. Alexis Tsipras and Yanis Varoufakis, during the negotiations with the EU and the rest of the world, highlighting their inability to act as policy entrepreneurs and to form supportive networks with their interlocutors to achieve their goals.

The investigation problems of the chronicle narrative

The investigation problems of the chronicle narrative

Особенности описания «своих» и «чужих» в космографическом введении «Повести временных лет»

В статье рассматривается структура космографического очерка «Повести временных лет» с целью объяснить особенности летописного описания «своих» и «чужих». На основании анализа структуры текста показывается, что летописное изложение событий соответствует стандарту раннеисторического описания, выработанного в мировой литературе. Структурный анализ текста показывает, что рассматриваемый космографический очерк в начале ПВЛ былнеобходим летописцу для концептуально-смыслового соединения сюжетов ветхозаветной и славянской истории. Автор обращает внимание на то, что схема летописного повествования схожа с ветхозаветной книгой Иисуса Навина, повествующей о завоевании богоизбранным народом земли Ханаанской. Таким образом летописец соотносит раннюю историю славян с ветхозаветными сюжетами. Вводя в летопись описания жизни и быта славянских племен, демонстрирующие их принципиальные культурные отличия от полян, автор тем самым обосновывает политическое исакрально-обрядовое доминирование полян и определяет Киев как безальтернативный центр Древней Руси.

Foreign Affairs and Diplomatic Practices of the Florentine Republic at the Boundary of the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times: Institutional Discourse (Problems of Historical and Modern Communication)

The article analyzes the theoretical foundations and tasks of historical communicology, communication problems in historical literature. The main attention is paid to the clarification of the communicative culture and culture of communication in Europe of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The features of communication processes, institutional and diplomatic practices in the European Reformation are considered. At the turn of the Middle Ages and early Modern Times there is an objective process driven by the launch of the institutional design of foreign policy and diplomatic services of the leading countries in Europe. Accordingly, there is the relationship between the original concepts and priorities: «Europe», «foreign policy», «diplomacy», «communication» and so on. To that issues related to contemporary and evaluation for various state-legal forms and types of government, institutional political processes, characteristics of reality and ideals create tasks and in covering practice power models diplomacy, diplomacy institutions, humanistic traditions of diplomatic tools and more. The objective of this research is to analyze the foreign policy, political and diplomatic experience of Europe both as an outstanding historical occasion for the political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe and as the formation of its system of international relations in the Middle Ages and early Modern Times. Particular attention is paid to the institutional development of communication, diplomatic tools, negotiations, protocol standards, etiquette and ceremonial of the key European countries. The article describes the diplomatic activities Florentine diplomats and, in particular – Bonaccorso Pitti, the diplomat, the politician, the merchant, the traveler, the gambler, the author of the Chronicle. The author of article concludes that B. Pitti, as a diplomat, had an understanding of the international political situation and solved difficult of diplomatic questions due to personal qualities, culture, knowledge of languages, customs. It was the Pittis stratum‖ that absorbed Francesco Petrarch's new ideas about man and society and filled them with strength and practices that helped humanists formulate the ethics of the new time (humanistic diplomacy). The article studies the peculiarities of organizing diplomatic missions in the Middle Ages by one of the most dynamically developing city-states of Tuscany – Florence. Behavioral practices and ritual gestures of Florentine diplomats are revealed through personal perception of their diplomatic missions, of communication links, as presented in the chronicle narrative and the biographies.

Identity Coherence in the Chronicler's Narrative: King Josiah as a Second David and a Second Saul

Among the variants in Chronicles and Samuel-Kings is the inclusion of Samuel in Josiah's narrative (2 Chr 35:18) compared to “the judges who led Israel” (2 Kgs 23:22). Samuel's appearance occurs at a major transition in the Chronicler's narrative, which links Josiah to not only David, but Saul. While there is yet to be a consensus among scholars as to why a negative death scene follows Josiah's laudable Passover, the social memory associated with Samuel adds rhetorical weight to the Chronicler's narrative.

The Name Day as a Part of Medieval Historiographical Narrative

The article investigates the ways in which the celebration of the name day (imeniny) of Russian princes or their entourages was presented in the Russian chronicles. The custom of celebrating the name day was firmly rooted in the Russian princely environment. For a chronicle narrative, the very rootedness of this custom and the number of its associated actions plays an important role—it is this rootedness that makes stories told in the chronicles quite opaque to the modern reader. A prince’s Christian name and the day of his patron saint were considered to be important background knowledge for the audience of the medieval compiler. There were, apparently, clear ideas about appropriate behavior for prince or a person from his environment on his name day or on the eve of this day but, on the other hand, such assumptions explain why this kind of “normal” behavior rarely forms the subject of special reflection in the chronicles. It is not only a description of the celebration itself that might be very informative, whether it be a church service, a ceremonial feast with various relatives, or an exchange of gifts, but also the description of acts and deeds that were undertaken specifically on a prince’s name day. Therefore, particular attention is given here to stories about undue or inappropriate behavior on this special day. The paper deals with the function and nature of such episodes in the broader context of historiographical narrative.

The sacred geography of Dawei: Buddhism in peninsular Myanmar (Burma)

The paper opens by recounting the beginnings of Buddhism in Dawei as preserved in local chronicles and sustained in stupas marking the episodes of the chronicle narrative. The chronicles start with a visit of the Buddha whose arrival triggers a series of events bringing together pre-existing tutelary figures, weiza, a hermit and offspring born of a golden fish, culminating in the establishment of the first Buddhist kingdom circa the eighth to tenth century CE. The enshrinement of sacred hairs gifted by the Buddha also includes patronage by a king of the ‘Suvaṇṇabhūmi’ lineage. Associated with the monks Sona and Uttara from Sri Lanka sent by King Asoka's son Mahinda, ‘Suvaṇṇabhūmi’ literally can refer to the archaeology of Thaton, a walled site in the present day Mon State, or, as is the case here, more widely to the missionary tradition associated with Asoka (Sao Saimong Mengrai 1976). The third story in the establishment of the Buddhist king at Thagara is the longest of the chronicle, the tale of a royal hunter who failed to capture a golden peacock for the queen. The hunter became a hermit living by a pond with a golden fish and as he urinated in the pond, two children were born from the fish. The boy becomes the first Buddhist king of Thagara, 11 km north of Dawei, where artefacts from survey and excavation confirm the chronology of the chronicle, with the closest archaeological parallels found not at the ancient sites of the Mon State but to the first millennium CE Buddhist ‘Pyu’ heritage of Upper Myanmar which is notably absent in the chronicle compilation.

Love or Politics: The Man or the King? <i>Edward II</i> in Modern Performance

Directors, Actors, Audiences: Dynamism of Instability Love or politics; the man or the king: these are the polarities of choice for a director of Edward II. individual tragedy of love, with politics only the politics of sex, is the emphasis of the most widely-known modern production, Derek Jarman's film adaptation? range of focuses with which the play can be staged admits of no simple summary. Within its chronicle narrative there is a dramatized debate, complex but readily recognizable for the first audience, about the responsibilities are the obverse of the king's rights--responsibilities to the Church, to the nobility, and to the commonwealth. How far political drama is brought to the fore, how it interacts with the love story of Edward and Gaveston, and how love story itself is seen--with its mixture of on one side idyllic ideal and ruinous obsession, and on the other exploitative manipulation and real devotion--is open to a variety of presentations. Until the king's defeat any audience is likely to be alternately drawn to and repelled by each of the main characters--Edward, Gaveston, Isabella, Mortimer. This unstable network of interacting attractions and repulsions is complicated by a political conflict of complex and varying rights and wrongs which similarly stabilizes only late in the action, as legitimate power passes to Edward III, and Mortimer hardens into a pure overweening Machiavel. Instabilities of judgment in relation to character and political arguments are further complicated by the play's aesthetic variety--its mixture of chronicle-type realism with (moral) emblems or tableaux; and its partly loose structure is complemented by patterned echoes and symmetries. While all these elements give directors, actors, and audiences a good deal of freedom of interpretation and response, response is also steered by guidance written into the text about expressive action, costuming, and setting. first audiences and modern audiences equally are likely to feel Marlowe invites a range of responses to and judgments about Edward. However sympathetic the presentation, his feelings are bound to appear from the start in some measure egotistical and self-absorbed. He is cruel and violent towards Isabella; his accusations about her relations with Mortimer are, at best, no more than partially justified. He is careless of the common good in his attitudes to taxation (the use of the broad seal [2.2.146-7]) and to invasion (by the French [2.2.9-10; 3.1.66-8], elaborated in relation to the Irish, Scots, and Danes [2.2.160-66]: all in the context of his overriding pre-occupation with Gaveston). (2) Edward's failure at Bannockburn--the great national disgrace of his reign--is presented all too credibly as characteristic (2.2.178-94). His feelings leave him open to manipulation by the unscrupulous (as appears to be in his opening soliloquy; as Spencer and Baldock appear to be in their first exchanges). He sees only his rights in a complex context of rights are recognized as not absolute, but as entailing responsibilities. Limitation of the Church's power proper in Elizabethan terms (Edward's thoroughly Tudor denunciation ofProud Rome [1.4.96-103]) does not sanction unprovoked attacks on churchmen (the Bishop of Coventry [1.1.185-205]). While much draws an audience's sympathies from Edward, his homosexuality is largely treated neutrally. To Coventry, his favorite is that wicked Gaveston (1.1.175) (which must surely mean sexually corrupt), and the barons express some contempt for him as Edward's minion; but, though this can be made to appear homophobic--as it emphatically is in Derek Jarman's film--it is entangled with, and can largely be absorbed into, the barons' class antagonisms. Broadly, the play takes the view of Mortimer Senior: The mightiest kings have had their minions (1.4.390). Edward's love for is a matter of indifference so long as it does not impinge on affairs of state. …

Ol'ga's Conversion and the Construction of Chronicle Narrative

T A he Povesf vremennykh let, variously known in English as the Primary Chronicle or the Tale of Bygone Years, is the single most important source for the history of Kievan Rus'. Although the origins of the Povesf are obscure, the earliest portions of the text certainly date to after the acceptance of Christianity by St. Vladimir Sviatoslavich of Rus', an event that the Povesf itself dates to AM 6496 (988/989 CE).1 In fact, these portions probably date to a considerably later period, some time after the ecclesiastical literary initiative of Vladimir's son, Iaroslav the Wise, dated by the Povesf to AM 6545 (1037/1038).2 The full text of the Povesf in its currently extant form almost certainly dates no later than the colophon of Hegumen Sylvester, which appears in the Laurentian, Radziwill, and Academy manuscripts of the text and is dated AM 6624 (1116/1117).3 The entry for AM 6463 (955/956) in the Povesf, which describes how Ol'ga of Rus', the grandmother of St. Vladimir, at once received baptism in Byzantium and avoided marriage to a Byzantine emperor, has doubtless entertained generations of readers.4 Yet although this entry holds an important place in a lengthy and heated debate about the time and place of Ol'ga's baptism (probably not 955/956), the passage itself has received rather

The end of chronicles

Abstract The narrative of Chronicles points forward to an account of the restoration of the Temple and its cult after the exile, which is in fact to be found in Ezra 1–6. Recent challenges to the hypothesis of unity of authorship of Chronicles‐Ezra‐Nehemiah have taken insufficient account of the extent of source material in Ezra 1–6. This article asks for a re‐examination of the possibility that Ezra 1–6 was the original conclusion to the Chronicler's narrative, to which Ezra 7‐Nehemiah 13 was later added. The editorial passages in Ezra 1–6 contain several of the phrases most characteristic of Chronicles, while 6,19–22 is particularly apt as the conclusion of the Chronicler's narrative.

The First Published Memoir of Franklin

N the London Chronicle for October i, 1778, appeared a brief article entitled Authentic Memoir of Dr. Franklyn. This unpretentious narrative, embodying a brief episode from Benjamin Franklin's early life, can be shown through internal evidence to be directly related to the manuscript of Franklin's Memoirs, the work now known as his autobiography, which did not appear in print until I79I, thirteen years later.' The Chronicle narrative is, therefore, the earliest known forerunner of the publication of Franklin's life story, parallel to some anecdotes from the Memoirs which the Abbe Morellet in Paris inserted in the Moniteur, July I5, I790. Also, in its historical setting, the Chronicle piece is significant as the glorification in a British newspaper at the height of the American rebellion of the arch-rebel who had recently concluded a treaty of alliance with England's traditional enemy France. Following is the complete text of the Chronicle narrative: The Public have been already acquainted with the birth and parentage of this philosopher and statesman; and all Europe has lately beheld, with astonishment, this venerable old man acting the part of a patriot, when perhaps he stands alone in the greatness of his cause and abilities. This memoir, therefore, only goes to shew the accidental circumstance that first introduced him into life, and may well be reckoned in the catalogue of great events from little causes. Dr. Franklyn was bred a printer, and followed this profession for some time in Boston, but possessing too liberal a spirit at that time for the meridian of that city, he was obliged to quit it abruptly, and fly to Philadelphia. Being much narrowed in his circumstances, he was obliged to walk all the way to the last-mentioned place, where, being arrived just at the time that the congregation were going to morning service, young Franklyn mixed with the croud, and, perhaps partly for the benefit of getting a seat to sit down on, attended divine service. Oppressed with too much fatigue, he had not been long there, when he