Chinese Dream Research Articles (Page 1)

In official statements, the Chinese government consistently emphasizes the importance of education in nurturing students’ acceptance of official initiatives and national identity. Meanwhile, ideological-political education (IPE) is a mandatory course for Chinese students in higher education, playing a crucial role in fostering their citizenship, morality, and values. With the announcement of a series of new official catchwords, including the Chinese Dream and Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation, education is expected to incorporate these catchwords and implement them across all levels, including universities. This study provides an overview and analysis of IPE and its role in initiating, demonstrating, and discussing these official catchwords in classrooms. Through analyzing official documents, statements, and reports concerning IPE, the article argues that IPE is responsible for promoting official catchwords as standards that guarantee political and social stability, forming the foundation of students’ sense of identity and values. This reinforces the perceived legitimacy of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and justifies support for domestic and foreign policies among students. Under the ever-changing domestic and international context, IPE will be further reinforced for political agendas.

For centuries, Chinese governments have frowned upon immigration out of China. However, since the 1980s, particularly under current President Xi Jinping, Chinese immigration has been looked at in a different light, particularly Chinese immigrants in Southeast Asia, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. Through their interconnected kin networks known as guanxi, overseas Chinese have become a vital tool for Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” and emerging international economic statecraft. Through a qualitative analysis of secondary sources, this paper aims to analyze the history of Chinese immigration, how guanxi networks impact Chinese cultural and economic connection, and how the use of these guanxi networks benefit Xi Jinping’s growing economic statecraft measures to create greater regional connection with Southeast Asian states. Overall, this paper argues that economic integration becomes the most successful when states have similar cultural ties and how the success story of Chinese integration in Southeast Asia has been due to this.

ABSTRACT This article explores how virtual reality (VR) technology contributes to decolonial practice through a case study of Shenyou Dunhuang (神游敦煌), a Chinese museum-led project that digitally reconstructs Cave 61 of the UNESCO-listed Dunhuang Mogao Caves. Using thematic analysis of the project’s online user-generated feedback, the study finds that VR shifts the collective memory of the Dunhuang Caves from one centred on colonial loss to a celebration of the caves’ artistic and spiritual grandeur, thereby showcasing VR’s potential for digital repatriation. Contextualizing the findings within China’s recent cultural policies, the Chinese Dream and Civilizational Exchange, this study further discusses VR’s role in transforming cultural narratives, addressing heritage loss, and fostering cross-cultural dialogue, while raising concerns about digital sovereignty and interpretive diversity.

This research examines Mongolian high school students' views on soft power, specifically the influence of a Chinese language curriculum in promoting Chinese culture.A sample of 235 students from Ulaanbaatar high schools was analyzed using six factors and 30 questions on language and cultural concepts.The Chinese Dream, introduced by President Xi Jinping in late 2012, represents a vision for China's future, encompassing both personal and national ideals.Aligned with China's "Dream" initiative, foreign policy and the Chinese Embassy enhance China's image by fostering educational opportunities for Mongolian youth, positioning education as a key soft power tool. Findings from hypothesis testing, cross-tabulation, and correlation analysis reveal that China's image influences students' educational aspirations, linked to soft power dimensions like culture, digital strategies, engagement, education, entrepreneurship, and governance.The analysis reveals that China's soft power, including digital platforms, education, engagement, and culture, shows strong positive correlations (r = 0.3–0.5). Conversely, soft power linked to government, enterprise, and engagement has weaker correlations with Culture (r = 0.275–0.337). Notably, digital initiatives, culture, and education exhibit strong positive correlations.

This article analyzes the novel "Me and My Destiny" (2021) by the Chinese writer Liang Xiaosheng (b. 1949). Particular attention is paid to the reflection of the dynamic life of Chinese society during the era of economic changes in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. As the action unfolds across multiple settings, including a poor village and Shenzhen as it develops into a modern metropolis, this literary text reflects the ways of achieving prosperity in different social strata. The novel's central theme of the path to prosperity originates from the "literature of reforms" popular in China in the 1980s, when the first literary experiments were a response to Deng Xiaoping's reforms, the majority of which were aimed at combating poverty. The second wave of socio-economic transformations in the PRC began with Xi Jinping's rise to power in autumn 2012, who formulated the idea of the "Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." Through the application of content analysis and quantitative lexical analysis of the text, the issues and themes that concern Liang Xiaosheng were identified. The significance of the theme of enrichment and poverty alleviation is confirmed by the fact that the word "money" is used 428 times. For comparison, the word "destiny", which is part of the novel's title, is used 155 times. Liang Xiaosheng's novel "Me and My Destiny" is the author's latest work and has not yet been studied in Russian scholarship. The study demonstrates a comprehensive reflection in the novel of the main stages of China's economic development from the 1980s to the 2010s, making it a valuable source of cultural and sociological information about sentiments in Chinese society. The focus on the theme of poverty alleviation aligns with both China's social and cultural agenda and the objectives of the reform and opening-up policy. However, the novel does not bear the hallmarks of a commissioned work but is rather a manifestation of the author's civic and creative stance. Comparing Liang Xiaosheng's novel with the works of Dong Xi, Liu Zhenyun, Mo Yan, and Sheng Keyi, it is evident that while depicting inequality and labor migration, the author emphasizes the successful overcoming of material and moral challenges.

In the ideological and political education scene of colleges and universities, red cultural resources are of great significance. Symbolic analysis of them can not only break the dullness of ideological and political education, but also fit the cognitive habits of contemporary college students and stimulate their interest in red culture. By dividing the symbol types, analyzing the extraction of elements and deeply interpreting the meaning, a comprehensive analysis of the symbols of red cultural resources is carried out. In view of the fact that contemporary college students grow up in a multicultural era, it is proposed to reshape the value of red cultural resources to resist the erosion of bad culture, cultivate college students’ cultural confidence, and strengthen their sense of responsibility. And explore the path of value reshaping from the dimensions of deep integration of curriculum system, diversified development of campus activities, creation of campus environment culture and innovative application of new media platforms. In the future, we should continue to innovate and deepen the development and utilization of red cultural resources to provide strong spiritual motivation and solid talent support for the realization of the Chinese dream.

In the new era, the translation of Chinese political news into English aims to accurately convey China’s development dynamics to the global audience, further deepen the world’s understanding of China, promote friendly exchanges and cooperation between China and other countries around the world, facilitate China’s better access to the world, and enhance the friendship between each other. However, the translation of political news is unique and challenging because of the basic differences between Chinese and Western language structures, as well as the unique styles and profound connotations embedded in each country’s political news. This paper takes Mr. Hans Vermeer’s Skopos theory as guidance. It takes some political news in China Daily as examples to discuss the English translation techniques of political news in China nowadays. It also gives full affirmation and support to Skopos theory. Finally, through the combined application of Skopos theory with other translation techniques in translation practice, it is particularly emphasized that Chinese translators need to maintain cultural self-awareness and cultural self-confidence, and possess a deep sense of patriotic awareness. Through the flexible application of translation techniques, Chinese translators will play a greater role on the global stage and contribute to the promotion of Chinese culture and the realization of the Chinese dream.

This article examines the construction of migrant worker masculinity in Chinese state media, introducing “cultural-moral governance” to analyze the state’s regulatory mechanisms in the Xi Jinping era. Through discourse analysis of newspapers and television performances (2004–2023), the study reveals how suzhi (human quality) functions as a discursive instrument aligning personal aspirations with national objectives within the Chinese Dream framework. Findings demonstrate a strategic shift from promoting consumption-oriented aspirations during economic growth to valorizing labor’s dignity during slowdown—operationalized through a “Desiring, Diligent, and Devoted” framework. The research uncovers a paradoxical “inclusive exclusion” strategy that simultaneously integrates and marginalizes migrant workers in national narratives. By examining the evolution of gendered suzhi discourse, this article illuminates the interplay between neoliberal desires and socialist collectivism in China’s development path, which combines market dynamics with authoritarian control through sophisticated mechanisms that naturalize inequalities while maintaining stability.

In the developmental tide of the new era, the Core Socialist Values (hereafter "the Values") serve as a guiding beacon illuminating the nation's forward trajectory and charting the course for societal progress. As the concentrated embodiment of contemporary Chinese ethos, they profoundly coalesce the shared value pursuits of all citizens, constituting a crucial cornerstone for modernizing China's governance system and capabilities. It is emphasized that "core values represent the spiritual bond sustaining a nation and the common ideological-moral foundation of a country." Against the backdrop of deepening globalization and clashing social ideologies, the imperative to effectively integrate these Values into social life and achieve their "worldly manifestation" has become an urgent issue demanding thorough investigation and resolution. This endeavor not only correlates with enhancing national cultural soft power and strengthening ethnic cohesion but also bears directly on the successful advancement of socialist modernization and the realization of the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation. A profound analysis of the Values' contemporary connotations, clarification of their necessity for societal integration, and active exploration of practical implementation pathways hold immense significance for propelling the vigorous development of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era.

Family tradition is not only the core values and valuable spiritual wealth of the family but also the cognitive concept and cognitive orientation of the family members. Excellent family culture can also affect the growth of family members. This paper focuses on the “three Su” family tradition integration into the dilemma of college students’ values education to explore and clear the important impact of this family tradition on college students’ values education, and put forward the main path of integration of “three Su” family tradition and college students’ values education, aiming to use excellent family culture to shape students’ cognitive concepts, and promote college students to become outstanding builders and successors of the country. In the future development process, it can contribute its own strength to the realization of the “Chinese dream.”

The article explores the urban art of modern China, which acts as an integral component in creating historical heritage and cultural self-determination against the backdrop of intercultural exchanges. The author pays attention to the importance of monumental art and architecture in the preservation and perception of cultural traditions in the context of modern urban development. The article explores ideas related to Chinese cultural identity that take their roots from national history and socialist perceptions, including the concept of the Chinese Dream. The author analyses strategies for creating consistent urban spaces, applying methods stemming from doctrines of feng shui, environmental art, and cultural anthropology. In conclusion, the article emphasises the importance of combining historical heritage with modern trends and the need to preserve the unique cultural personality of Chinese megacities in the era of globalisation and intensive urban growth.

The article examines the specifics of intertextuality techniques in the discursive practices of public service announcement (PSA) in China. The material used is advertising messages dedicated to the ideologeme "Chinese dream", taken from official Internet sources of the PRC. The research methods included pragmatic and axiological analysis; within the framework of discourse analysis, the interpretation of the subject matter and functions of intertextual borrowings was carried out. In the discourse of PSA, a technique of reliance on authority is frequently used, which leads to the widespread use of both obvious and hidden intertextualities. PSA dedicated to the "Chinese dream" policy broadcasts the current ideological attitudes of the Chinese government, which makes this advertising a relevant object of research. The purpose of the work is to identify and systematize the techniques of intertextuality used in the analyzed PSA, as well as to determine what socially significant attitudes are broadcast through these techniques. The conducted research allowed to identify sources of intertextuality and classify the bases for intertextual references. The analysis of the content and functions of intertextual references allowed to determine which values were actualized by including quotations and allusions in advertising messages. The connection between phraseological units and intertextuality was considered. The analysis of semantic and formal characteristics of quotations and allusions was conducted, which allowed to determine due to what the influencing effect of PSA is achieved

This study examines a possible self-fulfilling vicious circle between China’s economic uncertainties and its geopolitical aggressiveness in the post-COVID-19 era. We argue that China’s zero-COVID policy during the pandemic exacerbated structural problems in its economy that had gradually surfaced amid the US-China trade war and has resulted in a postpandemic economic rebound that has been weaker than expected if not short-lived. The window of opportunity for realizing the Chinese Dream may therefore be closing for Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party, while they may choose to rely even more on chauvinism to consolidate their legitimacy. This dilemma will push China to adopt a more aggressive posture toward geopolitical issues, raising the likelihood of armed conflict in the Indo-Pacific. Yet, such a posture will inhibit China’s domestic consumption and investment, diminish its external trade integration, and blunt its economic statecraft, all of which will combine to increase the downward economic pressure facing Beijing. After demonstrating this vicious circle with empirical data, we offer new insights into China’s economic prospects and Indo-Pacific geopolitical changes after the pandemic. We also provide a political economic approach to discussing the future course of US–China rivalry and questions such as whether the two powers will fall into a Thucydides Trap.

Since 2012, President Xi has repeatedly emphasized that the construction of ideological and political education courses must grasp the key area of upholding orthodoxy and embracing innovation. Currently, with the continuous development of digital media, the construction of ideological and political education courses is facing inescapable practical dilemmas, such as insufficient teacher team construction, outdated teaching content, and a lack of practical teaching conditions. In response, it is necessary to promote the high-quality development of ideological and political education courses from three dimensions: teacher team construction, innovation in teaching content, and strengthening of practical teaching. The goal is to cultivate well-rounded socialist builders and successors with moral, intellectual, physical, aesthetic, and labor development, guiding young people to achieve the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation in the new era.

Abstract It has been over ten years since the Chinese Dream was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2012. This study investigates the representations of the Chinese Dream in The New York Times (hereafter NYT) from the perspective of speech reporting. The analysis shows that four types of sources are favored: the political elites from the Chinese government, ordinary Chinese citizens, western scholars, and Chinese news agencies. Government officials’ speech is quoted to expose the global ambition of the Chinese-Dream-associated policies or practices, while stories from the ordinary Chinese provide contradictory evidence. Scholars’ speech is to warn audiences of the Chinese government’s global aspirations masked by the Chinese Dream. The reports and practices of Chinese news agencies are labeled propaganda to strangle potential discursive competition. In effect, all converge to strengthen and validate China’s world dream representation.

Perception of nature and environmental ethics in the context of the «Chinese dream»: Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism

Carbon peaking and carbon neutrality are commitments made by China as a responsible major country to actively respond to climate change. “Introduction to Environmental Protection” is a course based on the dual carbon vision, which is designed to meet the demand of electrical engineering and automation majors and industry development trends. By understanding the degree to which students master the dual carbon policy and analyzing the problems existing in the existing curriculum, we have conducted multidimensional exploration and practice of teaching reform for the course Introduction to Environmental Protection. By adopting the “case+ discussion” teaching mode and the Flipped classroom to strengthen practical teaching, it is beneficial to integrate theory with practice, improve students’ sense of responsibility and family feelings, guide students to integrate personal development into the great cause of realizing the Chinese Dream, thus forming a carbon peak and carbon neutral strategy that can guide electrical engineering practice in the future employment.

习近平总书记在十八大提出了中国梦的指导思想和执政理念。中国梦的提出符合当前国际国内实际复杂的政治经济形势情况，是在马克思列宁主义唯物辩证法指导下, 在毛泽东思想、邓小平理论、江泽民三个代表和胡锦涛科学发展观历史现实基础上的理论升华，为国人努力拼搏奋斗提供了框架指引、认同效应和意义确认。

China’s ethnic minority postures mainly exhibited national integration or assimilationist policies in the past seven decades. However, while many of these policies were inherited from the then Soviet Union with modifications to the Chinese reality, there is a subtle change in recent times. Specifically, since Xi Jinping took over as China’s leader since 2012, the larger China Dream and China Rejuvenation projects have overshadowed ethnic minority policies including on Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia. On August 29, 2020 for instance, the China’s apex Tibet Forum Meeting decided to further «sinicize» Tibet and Buddhism into China’s fold. It is argued here that China is in the process of revising its national ethnic minority policies inherited from the Soviet Union and attempting at centralisation to bring the ethnic minority regions under the effective control of the party-state ideology. As a result, ethnic minorities in China, specifically Tibetans, Uighurs and Mongols have expressed dissent over the loss of autonomy. These are impacting on the neighbouring countries in Central Asia and South Asia, including on India. This has implications for the trans-Himalayan region’s stability, migration patterns, territorial dispute and environmental (specifically water) issues for India and others. The purpose of this article is to analyze the changes in China's policy towards ethnic minorities over the past seventy years, with a particular focus on the impact of political projects such as the «Chinese Dream» and «China Rejuvenation» on the situation of ethnic minorities, including Tibetans, Uyghurs and Mongols. The main focus is on the consequences of these changes for regional stability and interstate relations. The study relies on documentary sources: examining historical archives, official documents and statements of the Chinese government to identify changes in policy towards ethnic minorities. It concludes that the «Chinese Dream» and «China Rejuvenation» projects have come to dominate state policy and have created pressure on ethnic groups seeking to preserve their identity and autonomy.

The national question has traditionally been an urgent problem in China, as a multinational state that includes, among other things, national autonomous regions. In the context of the need to preserve the integrity of the country, the national policy of the central government is one of the most important directions of the development of the People's Republic of China. The article analyzes the policy of the President of the People's Republic of China Xi Jinping in relation to the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in the period from 2012 to 2024. After coming to power, Xi Jinping proclaimed the course of realizing the «Chinese dream» aimed at reviving the Chinese nation. As part of the implementation of this concept, the national policy of the Communist Party in Xinjiang has also undergone changes. The efforts of the central and regional Governments focused not only on the economic development of the autonomous region, but also on ethnic cohesion and stabilization of the situation in the troubled region. The Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region is of great importance to the PRC in terms of its resource base, foreign trade, and geopolitical position, and at the same time it is a region with a high degree of extremist threat. In order to stabilize the situation in the autonomous region, the Chinese Government has implemented a set of measures to develop the legislative framework, strengthen national ideology, curb manifestations of religious extremism, and combat radical representatives of national minorities. The Chinese Government assumes that without harsh measures to suppress the nationalism of ethnic minorities, separatism and centrifugal tendencies will intensify. In general, Xi Jinping's course in Xinjiang turned out to be successful, many of the previously set tasks were solved, and the national policy was further continued.