Abstract: Joseph G. Weiss (1918–69) was one of the great early students of Gershom Scholem and made significant contributions to the research of Hasidism. Unfortunately, his innovative studies did not always receive the attention that they deserved and many of his important findings were ignored or even credited to other scholars. This article explores his many scholarly innovations across a variety of Hasidic topics, including his studies of R. Nahman of Bratzlav, the Mei HaShiloach of R. Mordechai Yosef of Ishbitz, and of Habad Hasidism. It also addresses important concepts within the Hasidic tradition, including Hasidic meditation, service through corporality, and Hasidic quietism. Weiss's unique methodology, which combines both intellectual and social history in his analysis of Hasidism, is also addressed, as is his use of typologies in describing various trends within Hasidism. Utilizing both Weiss's published works as well as his correspondence with various scholars, we also trace the trajectory of his tragically short life, his complex relationship with Gershom Scholem and how this interfaced with his scholarly development, from Budapest to Jerusalem, and ultimately to London, where he directed the Institute of Jewish Studies at University College London and edited its Journal of Jewish Studies . We thus hope to shed light on one of the great pioneers in modern Hasidic scholarship and his enduring contributions to the field.

The straight-branched pattern of the so-called “Rambam menorah” is today a ubiquitous presence on the Jewish street. This symbol of the Chabad Lubavitch movement has increasingly found a place among Jews across the ideological spectrum as a cipher for the biblical menorah. Samaritan art provides a surprising parallel to Maimonides’ schematic menorah drawing and its reception – limited as that was beyond the small circle of Yemenite scholars of Maimonides before the modern “publication” of a manuscript facsimile, its popularization in rabbinic circles by Rabbi Yosef Kapach, and its wide dissemination by the seventh Lubavitcher Rebbe, Menachem Mendel Schneerson, and his followers.

Abstract Hasidic yeshivas rose to prominence in Eastern Europe in the interwar period (1918–1939), as a way of keeping orthodox youth in the fold and of shaping the new generations of Hasidim, enabling them to withstand the allures of non-Orthodox cultures. Using the Chabad–Lubavitch yeshiva Tomkhe Temimim as a case study, this article focuses on the educational and formative strategies employed in interwar Hasidic yeshivas. It examines previously unused internal yeshiva sources, such as student lists or teachers’ reports, to show the pedagogical practices of the yeshiva staff and faculty. Effectively, the article provides an egalitarian and down-to-earth perspective on the Hasidic transformation in the interwar years. This perspective goes beyond the theoretical Hasidic concepts preached by the leaders to show how, in practical terms, these concepts were understood by the movement’s secondary intelligentsia and passed on to the next generation in the movement’s formative institutions.

The article examines the Finnish branch of Chabad Lubavitch as a fundamentalist and charismatic movement that differs from other branches of ultra-Orthodox Judaism in its approaches to outreach to non-observant Jews. Whilst introducing the history of Chabad Lubavitch in Finland and drawing on historical and archival sources, the authors locate the movement in a contemporary context and draw on 101 semi-structured qualitative interviews of members of the Finnish Jewish communities, who either directly or indirectly have been in contact with representatives of Chabad Finland. The material is examined through the theoretical concept of ‘vicarious religion’. As the results of the article show, whilst Chabad very much adheres to certain fundamentalist approaches in Jewish religious practice, in Finland they follow a somewhat different approach. They strongly rely on people’s sense of Jewish identification and Jewish identity. Individuals in the community ‘consume’ Chabad’s activities vicariously, ‘belong without believing’ or ‘believe in belonging’ but do not feel the need to apply stricter religious observance. Whilst many of them are critical of Chabad and their activities, they do acknowledge that Chabad fills the ‘gaps’ in and outside the Jewish Community of Helsinki, predominantly by creating new activities for some of its members.

Since the early 1970s, the Chabad Lubavitch movement has served as an important setting for religious, social, and cultural activity among Russian-speaking Jewish migrants to Canada and the United States. While scholars and community observers have long recognized the attentiveness of Lubavitch emissaries toward Russian Jews, there is no quantitative data and little qualitative research on Chabad’s influence in the post-Soviet Jewish diaspora. This paper explores the motivations, mechanics, and consequences of this encounter in a Canadian setting, examining how Chabad creates a religious and social space adapted to the unique features of post-Soviet Jewish ethnic and religious identity. Participating in a growing scholarly discussion, this paper moves away from older characterizations of Soviet Jewish identity as thinly constructed and looks to the Chabad space for alternative constructions in which religion and traditionalism play integral roles. This paper draws on oral histories and observational fieldwork from a small qualitative study of a Chabad-run Jewish Russian Community Centre in Toronto, Ontario. It argues that Chabad, which was founded in eighteenth-century Belorussia, is successful among post-Soviet Jews in Canada and elsewhere thanks, in part, to its presentation of the movement as an authentically Russian brand of Judaism—one that grew up in a pre-Soviet Russian context, endured the repressions of the Soviet period, and has since emerged as the dominant Jewish force in the Russian-speaking world. The paper, among the first to examine the religious convictions of Canada’s Russian-speaking Jewish community, reveals that post-Soviet Jews in Toronto gravitate toward Chabad because they view it as a uniquely Russian space.

This article examines Fischl Schneersohn's (1887-1958) "science of man" as a psychotherapeutic approach situated between modern psychology and Chassidic mysticism. While almost forgotten today, Schneersohn was a prolific writer, well-known in Yiddish-speaking circles as a psychologist, educationalist, novelist, and psychotherapist. As a descendant of an important dynasty of Chassidic rebbes, he grew up inside the Chabad movement, but followed a secular career. The first part of this article traces Schneersohn's biography from the outskirts of the Russian empire to Germany, Poland, the United States, and Palestine, and shows how his upbringing and historical experiences shaped his psychological works and his self-understanding as educationalist and psychotherapist. The second part examines Schneersohn's main work, Studies in Psycho-Expedition, which blended Chassidic mysticism and contemporary psychology in a way that was both idiosyncratic and unique. The psycho-sociological "science of man" was a modern psychological and psychotherapeutic approach, using specific methods to gain knowledge about the human mind, and to counteract and treat mental disorders, neuroses, and nervousness. At the same time, however, it was deeply influenced by Chassidic mysticism; revolving around the assumption of a universal human need for spiritual ecstasy. Schneersohn universalised, secularised, and reframed elements of the Kabbalah as a modern psychotherapy. By examining an almost forgotten psychotherapeutic approach outside the mainstream in its specific historical context, this article contributes to the history of the connection between religion and the psy-disciplines, as well as to ongoing debates about the role of spirituality and ecstasy in psychology and psychotherapy.

PurposeThis study aims to explore the hospitality and religious experience of Israeli travelers visiting the globally prevalent Jewish Orthodox Chabad Houses that provide religious, spiritual, educational and hospitality havens in their locales, regardless of the degree of observance.Design/methodology/approachUsing Schmitt’s (1999b) experiential consumption dimensions of Sense, Feel, Think, Relate and Act, this study measured the various visitors’ experiences, satisfaction and loyalty using a sample of 488 Israeli travelers obtained from online social media sites, popular with Israeli travelers.FindingsThe findings reveal that Israeli visits to Chabad Houses were primarily characterized by Act, Feel and Relate experiences like meeting fellow Israeli travelers, a sense of togetherness and a feeling of belonging. In predicting satisfaction and loyalty, the visitors’ religious experience did not play a major role, but rather the actual hospitality extended by their religious hosts, like a home-like feeling, comfort, tasty food and a sense of togetherness did.Research limitations/implicationsCollecting data from an online sample might yield results that would not be applicable to the typical Chabad House visitor. Due to the Chabad Houses’ global presence, their visitors’ experiences may vary from one house to another and the findings may not represent an accurate picture of the typical Chabad House visit.Practical implicationsTo continue its hospitality brand, the Chabad movement’s decision-makers should continue focusing on innovative visitor experiences and balance the religious and secular components of their hospitality, as well as consider carefully how to direct their marketing and operational budgets.Originality/valueAdding to the body of literature on travelers’ experience at religious sites, this research is a pioneering attempt to study and explore visitors’ religious and hospitality experiences while visiting small non-conspicuous religious centers that extend their global hospitality brand to travelers.

This paper is about baalot-teshuva (women who “returned” to Orthodox Judaism) in Chabad Lubavitch community in Moscow. It explores their self-image and Lubavitch leadership’s approach to women’s question through the lens of one specific aspect of their lives – adult women’s regular education. Along with traditional lessons on the Torah and female religious duties Chabad encourages lessons on healthy diet and family psychology and fitness classes in order to support the women’s negotiating with modernity while retaining traditional values and patriarchal power hierarchy.

For the last seventy years, Chabad emissaries have been reaching out to Jews and spreading Judaism in a world of increasing indifference to Jewish law and tradition. Despite their strict Orthodox lifestyle, they are up to date broadcasting Judaism worldwide, with the most modern technology. They offer apps which localize the position of their users and inform them when it is time to light Shabbat candles. Wherever you are, Chabad.org tells you where to find the next Chabad house to spend the Shabbat evening or to be part of the service. Modern smartphones seem to have created the possibility to reach Jews worldwide and thereby fulfilled an important campaign of the group: Reaching out for redemption. On the other hand, the ability to use smart phones everywhere offers the possibility for less observant Jews to be part of a Jewish community connected through Web 2.0. The paper explains how social media provides the possibility to unite different opinions and sections of Judaism.

A Moroccan Kabbalist in the White House:Understanding the Relationship between Jared Kushner and Moroccan Jewish Mysticism Aomar Boum (bio) Few political pundits believed that Donald J. Trump would defeat a political giant like Hillary R. Clinton in the 2016 American elections. The mere image of Trump, a reality-television personality who found huge and unquestionable support among Christian evangelicals, in the White House excited derision in many liberal and conservative circles during the early days of the Republican nomination process. Like many, I had my doubts, although I also partly believed that Trump could win by riding the popular anger of many Americans, especially given his savvy populist messaging and familiarity with the television industry. Yet a number of Orthodox Jewish Moroccan informants with whom I spoke during and after the campaign never doubted that Trump would win the election. That the most significant Jewish support for Trump came from followers of the Shas Party in Israel, Chabad Lubavitch, and Orthodox and Hasidic Jews stirred my intellectual curiosity throughout both the primary and the national phases of the election. I wanted to understand why many [End Page 146] Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Moroccan Jews supported Trump as a candidate. One of my Moroccan Jewish informants, Mordachai (informants' names are pseudonyms), a member of Shuva Israel (Return Israel; see below), noted that in Ashdod and other Moroccan ultra-Orthodox communities in Jerusalem it was widely believed that a miracle would cause Trump to win.1 The popular opinion was that a well-respected rebbe had predicted Hillary Clinton's defeat.2 In the end, the miracle of President Trump happened, and miracle-working rabbis associated with Jared Kushner, the president's Orthodox Jewish son-in-law, wasted no time claiming that they had had something to do with it. Rabbi David Pinto3 and Rabbi Yoshiyahu Pinto,4 two descendants of a long line of North African rabbis, are thought to have been among those miracle workers.5 The Pinto Torah institutions are part of a global Jewish network led by members of the Pinto family to disseminate Torah in Israel (Ashdod and Jerusalem), France (Lyon and Paris), the United States (New York and Los Angeles), and Argentina (Buenos Aires).6 Another of their followers, Yosef, told me that "the election of Trump does not only mean that there will be Shabbat candles every Friday night at the White House, but that Moroccan mystic kabbalists will bless the White House from Ashdod every Shabbat."7 On November 6, 2016, two days before the election, Ivanka Trump and Kushner, her husband, visited the Ohel, the grave of Menachem Mendel Schneerson located in the Old Montefiore Cemetery in Queens.8 Since the unexpected death of the Lubavitcher rebbe in 1994, his grave has been a major destination for many Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jews, who come there seeking his blessing. Ivanka Trump converted to Orthodox Judaism before her marriage to Jared Kushner, and it is widely believed that she has maintained an Orthodox Jewish lifestyle since her conversion. In this short commentary essay, I reflect on the reasons that have driven Kushner, a Modern Orthodox American Jew, to seek a blessing at the Ohel without being an openly declared follower follower of the Lubavitch movement and its mystical version of Judaism and a believer that miracles happen through prayers mediated through a rebbe. I also discuss the larger religious context that makes it possible for a modern Jewish New Yorker like Kushner to believe in modern Jewish Orthodox theology and at the same time support Jewish mystics such as David Pinto, a descendant of Rabbi Haim Pinto of Essaouira, Morocco, in return for their blessings (see figure 1).9 (I acknowledge that there is a historical tension and division among Ashkenazi and non-Ashkenazi Jews about secularism and belief in amulets and the power of tzaddiks, a clash that became obvious in the context of Israeli society.) Finally, I provide a tentative [End Page 147] theoretical argument that helps us understand the comfortable attitude of Kushner and his family toward mystical folklore, folk magic, and beliefs that have long been ridiculed by Ashkenazi Jews as a phenomenon of the poor and "primitive...

Experiencing Devekut: Contemplative Niggun of Habad in Israel. By Raffi Ben-Moshe, translated by Jonathan Chipman, edited by Edwin Seroussi. (Yuval Music Series, no. 11.) Jerusalem: Jewish Music Research Centre, 2015. [154 p. ISBN 9789659200023. $25.] CD, music examples, text (English and Hebrew), bibliography.A Nigun is not only a melody-it is a melody of yourself, the Alter Rebbe, Rabbi Schneur Zalman of Liadi (1745-1812), founder of Habad Hasidism, is reported to have said to his grandson, the Zemach Zedek (1789-1866) (trans. Ellen Koskoff, The Language of the Heart: Music in Lubavitcher Life in New World Hasidim: Ethnographic Studies of Hasidic Jews in America, ed. Janet Belcove-Shalin [Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995], 99). Both grandfather and grandson were prolific composers of Habad nigunim, besides being the leaders of Habad Hasidism in their time. nigun, a traditional devotional song, holds a central place in Hasidic Judaism, a movement that originated in eighteenth-century eastern Europe in response to what it considered the overly cerebral and legalistic existing forms of Judaism. Although Hasidism drew heavily from mysticism, it reacted against the meritocracy ingrained in traditional Jewish models of mysticism, whereby only select individuals may gain access to the higher realms, the Pardes, and even then at their own peril, emphasizing instead accessibility to the masses, whether educated or uneducated. As Raffi Ben-Moshe observes in his study Experiencing Devekut: Contemplative Niggun of Habad in Israel, one of the ways Hasidic thought implemented its new pluralistic philosophy was by locating the process of Devekut (literally cleaving, the spiritual adherence to God's word) at the starting point of spiritual worship, rather than as an extreme attainment, available only to few. Devekut was thus the obligation of all worshippers, becoming the path to an ultimate goal, rather than the goal itself. nigun was an efficient way of implementing such ideas: it could be learned through repetition, did not involve any prior education, and is at its most powerful when sung communally (pp. 36-38).It is probably safe to say that of all UltraOrthodox movements, Habad has the most interface with the non-Ultra-Orthodox world (in particular secular and ModernOrthodox). Israeli travelers, whether secular or religious, know that they can find warm meals and hospitality in the remotest places, from Cuzco and Prague, to Tibet and Adelaide, courtesy of the local Habad house. Jewish students in American universities know that they may find religious infrastructure and help with obtaining Mezuzot and other Judaica from the local Habad representative. Children in secular and Modern-Orthodox neighborhoods in Israel often enjoy storytelling and presentations given by Habad representatives in local playgrounds (their parents may not always be as happy). And while the majority of Ultra-Orthodox movements still treat media-related technological advances with suspicion, Habad were always quick on the uptake, realizing the potential of new technologies to communicate their ideas to both Habad Hasidim and to Jews at large. Much of this is due to Habad's advocacy of outreach, an attempt not to convert all Jews, but to increase their awareness of their Judaism and their knowledge of Jewish tradition. happy result (at least for the ethnomusicologist, or for this reviewer) is that Habad have always made their cultural assets, from scholarly writings to musical traditions, easily available. As early as 1948, Rabbi Samuel Zalmanoff published Sefer Ha-Nigunim, a comprehensive collection of Habad tunes (instigated as a post-Holocaust preservation project), and nowadays, Internet sites from Chabad.org to YouTube expose curious listeners to a variety of recordings of Habad tunes, whether in recordings from live far- brengen (festive gatherings of Habad Hasidim), or in lively and at times complex and virtuosic arrangements on commercial recordings. …

Religion, communications, and Judaism: the case of digital Chabad

This article describes how many modern psychological constructs and theories exist in older as well as newer Chassidic and Jewish teachings, particularly those of Chabad Lubavitch. This exploration points toward a potential benefit for a unification of psychology and Chassidic teachings. Psychological theories and constructs explored are Freudian psychoanalysis, cognitive dissonance, cognitive restructuring/reframing, self-efficacy/planned behavior, and logotherapy/existentialism. The article then concludes with a discussion of possible implications of moving toward a unified approach for clinical practitioners.

Originating in eighteenth century Russia, present day Chabad Lubavitch is strongly shaped by the thought and previous leadership of the seventh and last Chabad Rebbe, Menachem Mendel Schneerson. In keeping with the two preceding Chabad Lubavitch Rebbes, Schneerson remained essentially opposed to major aspects of political Zionism; he distinguished clearly between the land of Israel and the state of Israel. Schneerson maintained, as did his predecessors, that Redemption would occur only with the coming of Moshiach (the Messiah). Given the fact of the state’s existence after 1948, however, Schneerson modified to some extent the previous extreme anti-Zionism of Chabad Lubavitch and put great emphasis upon the security of Jews and of the Holy Land. In 1997, three years after Shneerson’s death, a lengthy article titled “Eyes Upon the Land” was posted to the Chabad website and was edited by rabbinical affiliate Eliyahu Touger into a book. The following examination of the text Eyes Upon the Land: The Territorial Integrity of Israel: A life Threatening Concern provides insight into an influential sector within the context of which Ibrahim Abu-Rabi spoke and wrote.

Plants are important sources of new therapeutic agents. Benjakul is a Thai traditional plant preparation composes of Piper chaba Linn., Piper samentosum Roxb., Piper interruptum Opiz., Plumbaga indica Linn. and Zingiber officinale Roscoe. It is commonly used as an adaptogen for element balancing and immunity support. In this study, we evaluated the activities of its ethanolic extract on pro-inflammatory cytokine production in lipopolysaccharide (LPS)-induced inflammatory process in colonic epithelial, Caco-2, cells. In 3-(4,5-dimethylthaizol-2-yl)-2,5-diphenyltetrazolium bromide (MTT) experiment, the selected doses of the herbal extract used in this study showed no cytotoxicity on culture cells. An evaluation of inflammatory cytokine releases, using enzyme-linked immunosorbent (ELISA) method, indicated that this medicinal plant mixture potentially attenuated tumor necrosis factor-α (TNF-α), interleukin-1β (IL-1β) and IL-6 releases. These results suggest that Benjakul extract contains effective anti-inflammatory agents. This would give a scientific support in using Benjakul as a traditional medicine in curing inflammatory diseases. Key words: Benjakul extract, inflammatory cytokine, tumor necrosis factor-α (TNF-α), interleukin-1β (IL-1β), IL-6, Caco-2 cells.

Abstract Reports of apparitions of the late Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, the last leader of the Habad Hasidic movement, have been spreading among the radically messianic Hasidim (meshichistim) in Israel, who maintain that the Rabbi, the designated Messiah, has not died. Expanding on the cognitive model of source misattribution, I seek to account for the apparitions by unpacking the messianic ecology cultivated by the meshichistim to make the absent Rabbi present. Habad's dialectical mysticism and anguish over the Rabbi's disappearance are likely to provide the mindset and motivation for sightings, but it is the rich array of icons and traces of the Rabbi, and mimetic practices in which they are embedded, that constitute the perceptual field where he can be seen. This cultural décor is particularly evident for apparitions in ritual arenas, while apparitions in mundane settings are often triggered by acute distress. Comparing the apparitions to visions in Christianity, I account for the lingering ambivalence toward apparitions in messianic Habad by highlighting the epistemological constraints imposed on them by the denial of the Rabbi's death. [apparitions, Habad Hasidism, signal detection theory, messianic ecology, Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneeerson]

The paper focuses in different phenomena which have produced relevant transformations in Orthodox Judaism, especially in the Chabad Movement. The main topics analyzed are the transnationalization process of Chabad in particular, and of Judaism in general, the exponential increase of Jewish Orthodox communities, and the attempts of re-territorialization of the Jewish Diaspora as a result of the displacement of Jerusalem as an axis mundi.

A sharp message is more likely to be heard in a noisy marketplace of ideas than a qualified and nuanced one. I think it is wrong for the voices of moderation to be constrained by an idealistic sense of duty to absolute accuracy, balance, and openness to opposing views. Hmm, ouch, that was hard to write; are we not the people who “eat brown rice and are always nice”?Being too nice is irresponsible. In the Bible story, Reuben intends to save Joseph but does not challenge the groupthink of his brothers that Joseph must die. He works within the consensus and suggests a compromise, hoping to fix the situation later. But he returns to see that Joseph is gone: “And I, where will I come?” He will never feel at home again, haunted by his timid choice.A Hasid asks his rebbe if he should continue feeding the poor despite his mixed motives, his “not doing it with truth.” “The poor truly enjoy the food,” was the retort. If we want to contribute to the shaping of opinion and political decisions, we need to “play the game”: speaking without qualification is a minor matter.It is 2 a.m. in early 1990, I am an idealistic twenty-year-old Yeshivah student in the Chabad movement having a very loud debate with M., a fellow student sitting around a table with friends, pickles, pretzels, and vodka. “Go tell the tall buildings in Manhattan I am a Lubavitcher and I have a message,” he declared, as if such a thing were obviously impossible.I am forty now and I still have a message, although now it lacks the religious certainty of Chabad's message. It is about how people who disagree about truth can cooperate. We have spoken our truth to people inside the “tall buildings,” and we have heard them repeat it. One of them is the prime minister of Australia, who this summer praised our interfaith anti-prejudice work at the Together for Humanity Foundation (described in the May/June 2010 Tikkun) and backed her words with one million dollars of government funding over three years to create resources for teachers and students across Australia.Our approach can be labeled as “And.” We dared to dream of what can be, instead of working only with what already is. For this, I thank the Chabad movement for its theological opposition to the word “can’t” and initial support. We have been flexible and have listened not just to the advice of Aboriginal elders and Muslim sheiks, but also to bureaucrats and “establishment types.” We have developed strong principles, and these included keeping quiet about certain issues to preserve the fragile bridges we have built.For me, it depends on the context. When the moral high ground is claimed by Sarah Palin, a strong counter-voice is needed: forget the glow of purity; instead let’s get messy, go out on a limb one minute and scream, then compromise the next. Both are needed, in the real world.

This paper examines the divergent attitudes toward mass media among the streams of Orthodox Jewry. According to most Ultra-Orthodox Jewish leaders, media spread blasphemy, provoke gossip and slander, and steal time from religious studies, but Rabbi M. Schneerson, late leader of the Chabad movement, believed that the media should be exploited to spread the tenets of Judaism. Modern Orthodox rabbis generally favor limited access to media—filtering out its negative aspects, embracing its positive features, and using it to impart religious knowledge. Understanding these various attitudes may help media professionals deal with religion-based criticism and encourage media-borne moderate religious dialogue.

Fundamentalists and modernists seem, at times, to work in contrapuntal interdependency. While the fundamentalist's rhetoric markets its image as celebrating the renewal of an authentic past identity in modernity, modernists state the need for and possibility of adapting a cherished past to modern assumptions. Yet, it seems as if it is the fundamentalists who are the ones to embrace a highly modern narrative and that it is the modernists who oppose it. In this article, we investigate this paradox by portraying the educational efforts of the Chabad Movement to introduce young Israeli trekkers in Southeast Asia, from secular, Zionist backgrounds, into a religious lifestyle. We show Chabad's strategies to be what, in modernist jargon, would be considered progressive informal educational activities, the very ones from which modernists seem to be retreating with the advance of Jewish day school educational technologies in the Diaspora. We suggest that the Chabad movement demonstrates an understanding of the covert symbolic power of formal educational approaches and that it resists them by enacting a radical epistemological change in all that guides their educational activity.