Central Party Research Articles

Жилищный кризис в сибирских городах в начале 1920-х гг. (по материалам газеты «Красноярский рабочий»)

Тhe article examines the everyday problems and moods of towndwellers about the housing crisis at the beginning of 1920s. The article analyzes the publications (editorial articles and articles of the worker correspondents) of the local periodical “Krasnoyarsk Worker” (“Krasnoyarsky Rabochy”), the organ of the Yenisei Provincial Committee of the RCP (b.), during the period 1921-25. The publications of the provincial Siberian periodical are of particular value despite the facts that the newspaper was the Soviet press organ, which implemented and promoted at the local level the policy of the central party committee, and not all the materials that had come to the editorial office were published.

The Far Right in Sweden: from Neo-nazism to Centrism

The author explores the farright wing of the political spectrum in Sweden. A small retrospective to the works of Per Engdahl allows us to identify certain similarities between modern Swedish far­right organizations and their ethno­nationalist postwar precursors. The author divides the farright wing into two parts: radicals (mainly neo­Nazis and extremists) and moderates, which offer a special refined strategy of nationalism. Special attention is paid to Sweden Democrats (SD). For 30 years, this party transformed from a small neo­Nazi marginal organization into the third largest national conservative political force in Sweden, according to the results of the 2018 parliamentary election and of the 2019 European election. The far­right Sweden Democrats entry in Riksdag promoted the qualitative and quantitative change of the party political system in Sweden. It’s fragmentarily increased. The former balance of power has shifted. The two largest Swedish Social Democratic and Moderate Parties, traditionally forming centre­left and centre­right blocks, have substantially lost their public sympathy. Trying to keep power, the governance parties are involving in common political trend: they are actively using narrative of right­wing populism and are ready to previously unthinkable party alliances erasing usual ideological boundaries. The total political isolation makes Sweden Democrats move their attitudes towards the center too. Meanwhile there are several new radical right parties (Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM), Alternative for Sweden (AfS), which are setting Sweden Democrats off as a social conservative force.

Organizational and Ideological and Political Changes in the International Labour Movement Before and During the First World War

The features of the creation and activities of international left associations in the first third of the XXth century are analyzed, the features of the activities of the Second International on the eve andduring the First World War are clarified, the ideological contradictions between the Social Democratic parties in this period are characterized. The reasons for the splits in the Second International are highlighted; the processes that preceded the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are characterized. The reasons for the separation in the Second International, the processes of the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are investigated, and the organizational structures of the Comintern and the Workers’ Socialist International are compared. It is noted that after the October Revolution in Russia, the Bolsheviks increasingly influenced the world left movement. Promoting the ideas of the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, at the initiative of V. Lenin, they formed the Third International, uniting the communist parties. After the formation of the Comintern, a number of left-wing socialist parties severed relations with the International. The centrist parties rejected the conditions of the Bolsheviks, since the mid-1920s. They united around two centers: the Second International (London) and the Vienna 2½ International.

The Links Between Fiscal Federalism, Political Alignment and Elections

Does economic dependence of small towns on federal grants lead to electoral support? To answer this question, we use an exogenous rule of distribution to estimate the effects of the main federal transfer to Brazilian small towns on the results of elections throughout 20 years, when two rival parties succeeded in power. We find that more dependence on unconditional grants benefits the central government party, whereas the main opposition party loses votes in races to president and National Congress. The hypothesis is that enforcing economic dependence of small towns on the central government's unconditional grants can be a channel of political alignment - they need federal deputies aligned to the federal government to ask for budget amendments. On the other hand, larger cities can be a resilient place of opposition, once the size of government is smaller and where average income fluctuates more, especially in periods of low economic growth.

The Institutional “Hinge”: How the End of the Cold War Conditioned Canadian, Russian, and Swiss IR Scholarship

AbstractMajor international events contribute to guiding IR scholarship's interests, yet it remains surprisingly unexplored how transformative political events affect international relations as an academic field. This article focuses on the linkage between key global moments and the institutional factors that condition IR scholarship, focusing on the important yet under-explored intervening elements in the interrelation between political events and academic practice. The article defines the utility of such focus and illustrates it with case studies of three central parties to the Cold War conflict: Russia as representative of the Eastern bloc, Canada of the Western alliance, and Switzerland as a neutral polity. This article shows how institutional factors such as funding schemes, the marketization of education, and the creation of new IR departments operate as effective “hinges” exerting significant influence over the ways scholars develop ideas about international relations.

Electoral rules, strategic entry and polarization

How does electoral rule disproportionality affect the structure of the party system (i.e. the number and the policy platforms of the competing parties)? By studying a model where both party entry and platform choice are endogenous we are able to provide a unified theory: An increasing electoral rule disproportionality exhibits: a) a first-order negative effect on platform polarization, b) a second-order negative effect on the number of parties (as polarization decreases, centrist parties are squeezed between other contenders and prefer not to enter), and c) an additional third-order negative effect on polarization via the reduction of the number of parties. We then conduct a laboratory experiment and strongly confirm the theoretical predictions of the model.

Stuck in the middle: Ideology, valence and the electoral failures of centrist parties

AbstractIn recent years centrist-liberal parties, such as the German Free Democratic Party (FDP) in 2013 and the British Liberal Democrats in 2015 and 2017, suffered enormous electoral defeats. These defeats highlight a prominent puzzle in the study of party competition and voting behavior; the empty center phenomenon. That is, empirical evidence suggests that most parties do not converge to the median voter's position, despite the centripetal force of the voters’ preference distribution. Using survey data from Canada, Finland, Germany and the United Kingdom, this article shows that deterioration of centrist parties’ valence image is followed by a collapse of their vote shares. Using mathematical simulations, this article shows that centrist parties have limited strategic opportunities to regain their support. Differently from other parties, centrist parties cannot alter their policy platforms to compensate for their deteriorated valence image. These results have important implications for political representation and voters–elite linkages.

Divided We Stand

Germany continues to face an inter-regional political divide between the East and the West three decades after unification. Most strikingly, this divide is expressed in different party systems. The right-wing populist Alternative for Germany and the left-wing populist Left Party are considerably more successful in the eastern regions, while German centrist parties perform worse (and shrink faster at the ballot-box) than in the West. The article discusses empirical evidence of this resilient yet puzzling political divide and explores three main clusters of explanatory factors: The after-effects of the German Democratic Republic’s authoritarian past and its politico-cultural legacies, translating into distinct value cleavage configurations alongside significantly weaker institutional trust and more wide-spread skepticism towards democracy in the East; continuous, even if partly reduced inter-regional socioeconomic divisions and varying economic, social and political opportunities; and populist parties and movements acting as political entrepreneurs who construct and politically reinforce the East-West divide. It is argued that only the combination of these factors helps understand the depth and origins of the lasting divide.

Political geography of violence: Municipal politics and homicide in Brazil

Abstract Violence has harmful effects on individuals and society. This is especially true in Latin America, a region that stands out globally for its high homicide rate. Building on research on subnational politics, democratization, and an inter-disciplinary literature that seeks to understand sources of violence, we examine the effect of municipal politics on homicide rates in Brazil while controlling for conventional socio-structural accounts. Specifically, we test the effect of four key political variables – party identification of mayors, partisan alignment of mayors and governors, electoral competition, and voter participation – and examine the locally varying effect of these variables with geographically weighted regressions (GWR). Our emphasis on political explanations of criminal violence is a rare departure from dominant accounts of violent crime, suggesting comparisons with the literature on political violence, and the spatial approach allows an analysis of the territorially uneven effect of political variables. The results show the statistical significance, direction, and magnitude of key political factors vary substantially across Brazil’s 5562 municipalities, showcasing the uneven effect of predictors of violence across space, and generating new hypotheses regarding the conditional effect of key predictors. In the time period examined (2007–2012), the largest left party in Brazil, Workers' Party (PT), had a beneficial effect, reducing violence in large parts of Brazil, the center party that held most local governments (PMDB) had a harmful effect in certain areas of Brazil, and the largest center-right party (PSDB) had mixed effects – helpful in some parts of Brazil and harmful in others. These results help us understand key features of the relationship between Brazilian politics and public security across different parts of the country, illuminating the political geography of violence in the region's largest country.

Does Non-Quota Strategy Matter? A Comparative Study on Candidate Selection and Women's Representation at the Local Level in Germany

AbstractThe intraparty mechanisms through which parties recruit, motivate, and select their candidates are central explanatory factors for the representation of women. This article analyzes the effects of intraparty factors on women's representation by measuring the impact of (1) parties’ non-quota strategies at the regional level—such as establishing women's sections, mentoring programs, or campaign funding for women—and (2) central party gatekeepers at the local level. Exploiting an original, newly compiled data set consisting of 1,475 electoral lists from the 2014 local council elections in the German state of Baden-Wuerttemberg, this article shows that parties’ non-quota strategies and central gatekeepers play crucial roles in determining the share of women on local party tickets. This means that who runs for office is, in this case, a question of intraparty dynamics. These dynamics are caused by different mechanisms of non-quota strategies and gender-biased candidate selection combined with interparty effects of local party competition and left-party strength. The almost consistent conditions that the subnational level provides show that the parties’ capacities (or lack thereof) for gendered recruitment is one major explanatory factor and should be tested at least in cross-national comparisons.

TOPPool: Time-aware Optimized Privacy-Preserving Ridesharing

Abstract Ridesharing is revolutionizing the transportation industry in many countries. Yet, the state of the art is based on heavily centralized services and platforms, where the service providers have full possession of the users’ location data. Recently, researchers have started addressing the challenge of enabling privacy-preserving ridesharing. The initial proposals, however, have shortcomings, as some rely on a central party, some incur high performance penalties, and most do not consider time preferences for ridesharing. TOPPool encompasses ridesharing based on the proximity of end-points of a ride as well as partial itinerary overlaps. To achieve the latter, we propose a simple yet powerful reduction to a private set intersection on trips represented as sets of consecutive road segments. We show that TOPPool includes time preferences while preserving privacy and without relying on a third party. We evaluate our approach on real-world data from the New York’s Taxi & Limousine Commission. Our experiments demonstrate that TOPPool is superior in performance over the prior work: our intersection-based itinerary matching runs in less than 0.3 seconds for reasonable trip length, in contrast, on the same set of trips prior work takes up to 10 hours.

‘Fear and loathing across party lines’ (also) in Europe: Affective polarisation in European party systems

AbstractSeveral scholars in the United States have recently addressed an increased partisan animosity between Democrats and Republicans, and have termed this phenomenon ‘affective polarisation’. This surge in partisan affective polarisation is perceived to be highly problematic, as it has been found to have a negative impact on the functioning of the party system and even society at large. The aim of this article is to study the concept of affective polarisation in European party systems. It introduces the Affective Polarisation Index (API) that allows for measuring and comparing levels of affective polarisation also in multiparty systems. This novel measure is applied to 22 European democracies and the United States between 2005 and 2016. The results indicate that affective polarisation is acutely present in European party systems, as partisans are often extremely hostile towards competing parties. The most affectively polarised countries are in Central Eastern and Southern Europe where the degree of affective polarisation is notably higher than it is in the United States, while Northwestern European countries are more moderate in terms of partisan feelings. Further analysis reveals that affective polarisation is significantly correlated with ideological polarisation, but the relationship between the two appears to be conditional: in some Western European political systems ideological polarisation does not lead itself to strong interparty hostility, while in Central Eastern Europe a high degree of affective polarisation can be present even in ideologically centrist party structures. These findings validate the claim that ideological and affective polarisation are two distinct aspects of polarisation, and that the latter also merits additional attention.

The role of water quality for local environmental policy implementation

The objective of this study is to examine the role of surface water quality for the decisions by Swedish municipalities to adopt environmental targets and action plans, as well as allocating these decisions to a responsible authority. To this end, we assess how environmental, socioeconomic, and political factors, as well as the availability of environmental expertise, affect these municipal decisions. Questionnaire data from the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions, in combination with environmental monitoring data and official statistics, are used for the econometric analysis. Results show that: (i) municipalities with bad water quality, greater coastal length, and higher income are more inclined to adopt local policies; (ii) collaboration with interest groups increases the likelihood of adopting local policies; and (iii) municipalities with high Center Party representation tend to set responsibility for environmental policy with the municipal council board.

T. Shevchenko's "Kobzar" publication in the Ukrainian SSR: political and ideological component

The peculiarities of «Kobzar» publicationby A. Khvilia editorial have been studied. The fo-cus is on introductory explanations and notes, placed at the end of T. Shevchenko poetry. Compar-ing with the interpretations of later editions of «Kobzar» has been made. In the course of the study, it was determined that practically all Ukrainian, except for enslaved serfs, were given unsightly coloring by attributing negative features or using ideological clichés. In particular, Ukrainian writers were presented as «landowners», «landlord-noble writers», «landlord writers-monarchists»,and prominent figures of the Cossack Ukraine faced readers as «hetmans-executioners», «hallows of the Polish feudal lords», who cared only about their own enrichment, for which in various ways resorted to the exploitation of Ukrainian peasants. Such interpretations became possible due to the decision of the central party organs of Soviet Ukraine, aimed at strengthening the struggle against Ukrainian nationalism, recognized by the Bolshevik party congress in 1934 as the «main threat» in Ukraine. It is no coincidence that during the writing of an introductory article and explanations and notes to Kharkiv edition of «Kobzar» in 1934, the head of the campaigning and propaganda department of the Central Committee of the KPB (U) A. Khvylia took office,who performed the task set before him and turned the individual heroes of Shevchenko’s poetry into negative,and T. Shevchenko himself was criticized, because he «could not show» (correctly), «misunderstood», the past «idealized by nationalism», was a «nationalist romantic».

Islam, Parties, and Women's Political Nomination in Indonesia

AbstractThis article responds to earlier research on the role of Islam as a barrier to women's political nominations by assessing and comparing parties’ efforts to meet institutionally required gender quotas in Indonesia. With the provision of 30% candidate gender quotas implemented since the 2004 elections, how have parties responded? Do Islamist and pluralist parties differ systematically in this regard? More specifically, does religious ideology influence how parties go about meeting quotas, recruiting female candidates, and getting them elected? Or do all parties face the same challenges when it comes to getting women into parliament? Drawing on a unique dataset collected from 2004 to 2019 legislative elections and in-depth interviews with central party officers, faction leaders, and members of parliament, this article investigates these questions. The results indicate that Islamic ideology plays no obvious role in limiting female participation in legislative elections; Islamist and pluralist parties are equally good at achieving the percentage quotas of female nominees. Both groups are also similarly poor at putting female candidates first on the party lists. Indonesia's open-list proportional representation (PR) system is prohibitively expensive, and this hurts women candidates more than it does male candidates because women generally have less access to the capital necessary to purchase the top position on party lists.

ANALISA PERAMALAN WINTER’S EXPONENTIAL SMOOTHING BROWN DIBANDINGKAN DENGAN AUTOREGRESSIVE INTEGRATED MOVING AVERAGE PADA DATA JUMLAH KEJADIAN HIPERTENSI

In an attempt to see and examine the situation and conditions that occur in the future to do forecasting (forecasting). Hypertension is a major disease in the ten Clinics Together and almost every month new hypertension cases occur, so the incidence of hypertension is becoming the trend and forecasting needs to be done.
 The purpose of this research is to do forecasting on the data the number of incident hypertension in Clinics With the city of Malang with Exponential Smoothing method using winter's Brown compared to Autoregressive Integrated Moving Arima. This type of research is the study of non reactive (non reactive research) which is a type of secondary data for research.Unit samples in this research are patients who come for the medication and patients in Clinics With hypertension Malang. in 2013 to 2016. Research data using Minitab software. 
 The results of this study showed that both methods of forecasting results shows that tend to decrease in the year 2018 with the lowest incidence in December that as many as 58 incidents on Exponential Smoothing method of winter's and some 80 events on the method of Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average. 
 The existence of a trend of decrease in the incidence of hypertension can be supported by the growing health services at community health centers With has been doing various efforts in preventive action, promotif and collaborative in the handling of problems Hypertension.Through these research results, it is advisable to draw up a health center party planning and control and eradication programs work for transmission of diseases of hypertension (P2P) with reference to the results of the forecasting incidence of hypertension in the year 2018.

Eesti ühiskonna poliitilised hoiakud murranguaastatel 1932–1934

Eesti ühiskonna poliitilised hoiakud murranguaastatel 1932–1934

STRATEGY OF THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN MODEL

The problems faced when approaching the election are many, one of which is the problem related to how to lobby politics to the public to use their voting rights so that they do not abstain. This problem that is often encountered can be solved by implementing the right political campaign model strategy. The strategy in political campaigns is a careful plan for activities to achieve specific goals where the activities carried out are carried out by political organizations or competing candidates to compete for positions in parliament in order to get the support of the mass of voters (voters) in voting. In line with Law No. 10 of 2008 concerning elections for members of the DPR, DPD and DPRD loaded with 30 percent quota for women in article 53, coupled with article 8 paragraph 1 mentioned regarding statements of at least 30 percent quota of women's representation in central party political party management as one of the requirements political parties to be able to become participants in the election. The purpose of this study was to find out in depth about the strategy of the political campaign model of female candidates in Blitar Regency as a method used by legislative candidates to attract their voters. This way of lobbying politics to the community has the aim of introducing candidates to the public through political campaigns that bring up the positive image of legislative candidates by involving the community. One way in which legislative candidates take to attract attention and get votes from various communities is starting from giving promises when campaigning. The subject of this research is that all the people and female candidates in Blitar Regency and the object of their research are the political campaign model strategies in Blitar Regency. The type of research used is qualitative research using the phenomenology approach. The phenomenology approach aims to describe the meaning of life experiences experienced by some individuals about certain concepts or phenomena by exploring the structure of human consciousness. So here the researcher wants to know the meaning of the experience experienced by the community and female candidates related to the political campaign model strategy through this phenomenology study. This research method uses a qualitative approach with interviews, observation, and documentation studies. This research produced a strategy model for political campaigns related to the phenomenon of female candidates in Blitar District.

Public Health is Politics

‘Public health’ investigates the determinants of health, born during the Enlightenment in the seventeenth/eighteenth century. But ‘public health’ is also policies, aiming at the improvement of a population’s health. There is a mutual interchange between public health as science and as politics. A brief historical background is followed by an analysis of the impacts of political changes during the first two decades of the twenty first century in Sweden. In 2005, a policy document accepted by all political parties except for the Moderate Party highlighted socio-economic factors and structural reforms to decrease the health gaps in the population. The general election in September 2006 resulted in a new majority in the parliament and a center-right coalition government, including the Moderates and three parties that had approved of the 2005 document. In 2007 a “new public health policy” was introduced. Its priority lists stressed individual behavior and the new policy should be incentives to work instead of “allowances”. The Public Health Institute got instructions in accordance with the new policy. The ten years following this policy change has seen public health policies and attitudes to research shifting almost year by year. The new policy met a counter-stream from the very beginning. Influenced by Michael Marmot’s WHO Commission on health inequalities, regional commissions started in Sweden, Recommendations how to decrease social health gaps was adopted with almost no opposition by regional health boards in 2012–2013. But new problems were now occupying politicians and media—how to finance the growth of the old, multi-sick part of the population and increasing costs for new medical technologies and drugs. Public health as an academic discipline was in the middle of this fluctuating political landscape with direct effects on what has been considered worth listening to or support by public money.

Características determinantes no desempenho ambiental dos municípios paulistas

Resumo A descentralização da competência para o monitoramento e licenciamento do uso dos recursos naturais, das esferas federais e estaduais para os municípios, tem gerado uma pressão para a adoção de um modelo de governança que consiga congregar as demandas de serviços públicos de qualidade, geração de trabalho e renda, com menor impacto ambiental. Esta pesquisa avaliou se o esforço e a dependência fiscal (receitas) dos municípios e as despesas por função são variáveis relevantes para explicar os melhores e piores desempenhos ambientais obtidos. Foram analisados os dados de 645 municípios do estado de São Paulo, de 2008 a 2017. Utilizou-se o método de regressão quantílica para analisar a relação entre os indicadores; ele propicia a obtenção de resultados mais precisos, ao considerar os municípios em quantis. Os resultados demonstraram que os gastos realizados são mais relevantes para explicar os melhores desempenhos ambientais do que as receitas, contudo, identificaram que maior esforço fiscal e maiores investimentos em políticas de gestão ambiental, saneamento básico e desporto e lazer têm impacto positivo sobre o Índice de Avaliação Ambiental (IAA) do município. Por fim, constatou-se que municípios governados pelos partidos de centro e direita têm alcançado melhores índices ambientais, comparativamente aos governos que adotam estratégias mais progressistas.