Catalan Independence Research Articles

Combinación de frames y estructuras narrativas: una nueva propuesta metodológica aplicada a la Vía Catalana 2013

Este artículo constituye una propuesta metodológica que combina el análisis de frames y el análisis de estructuras narrativas en una misma investigación sobre tratamiento informativo. Para determinar la validez e interés de dicha combinación se ha realizado un test sobre la cobertura mediática que seis periódicos españoles hicieron de la manifestación celebrada el 11 de septiembre del año 2013 en Catalunya para reclamar la independencia. Los resultados obtenidos indican que la combinación de técnicas utilizada permite extraer unas conclusiones que no se podrían conseguir por separado, ya que el cruce de ambas técnicas aporta información nueva. Así, contribuye a conseguir un análisis más profundo y pluridisciplinar y constata un patrón de relación entre frames y estructuras narrativas.

Action Between the Legal and the Illegal: A-Legality as a Political–Legal Strategy

This article develops a theory of ‘a-legal space’ and its utilization as a political–legal strategy. A-legal space refers to initiatives which adopt a quasi-legal or quasi-institutional form, yet with no official legal basis; a disputed legal basis; or exceeding their recognized legal basis. Examples include unauthorized referenda such as the Catalan independence referendum which took place in 2017 and, on a local level, across Catalonia in 2009–2011; peoples’ tribunals such as the World Tribunal on Iraq, where the US and UK governments were tried for war crimes; and the Aboriginal Tent Embassy where aboriginal activists protesting for land rights erected tents outside the Australian Parliament and declared it an embassy. The use of a-legal space is an under-studied and untheorized tactic employed with increasing regularity by social movement, civil society, and sometimes, state and substate actors. The article builds on the work of political theorist Marta Harnecker, who coined the term ‘a-legal space’, through situating it within the existing philosophical conception of a-legality developed by critical legal scholar Hans Lindahl (2013). The aim is to contribute to an understanding of why citizens undertake these initiatives and how they can have a political impact.

Teorias da democracia e o referendo catalão de 2017

In this paper, we begin introducing the most relevant data about the Catalan independence referendum until november of 2017, including, also, information about the economic, social, and cultural, aspects of Catalonia. After this, we’re going to introduce a series theories of democracy that enable us to analyse the hole process within a positive and negative framework. It’s going to be clear that the majority of authors were used to shed a positive light on the referendum, but it’s the opposite that’s going to be defended: certain multicultural views lead us to pratical problems of hard resolution, making us look for a liberal participacionism or a moderated multicultural view, both critical of the process.

The Legality of the Catalan Independence Referendums

The Legality of the Catalan Independence Referendums

Thoughts on Catalonia

Thoughts on Catalonia

Researchers caught in growing rift over Catalan independence

Researchers caught in growing rift over Catalan independence

Shaping Public Opinion for Confrontation: Catalan Independence Claims as Represented in Spanish, Catalan, Valencian, and Basque Editorials

Editorials represent a newspaper’s principal means of ideological positioning and serve to identify the attitude of each newspaper and its readership to some of the main actors in any given conflict, especially those that are political in nature. Catalonia’s independence movement has experienced a surge in recent years. The turning point came in July 2010, after Spain’s constitutional court ruled against some aspects of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (the legislation regulating the relationship between the Catalan autonomous community and the Spanish state). The ruling annulled some of the articles of the statute. The demonstration in support of Catalan independence that took place on September 11, 2012, was considered the most important among several mass rallies held for this purpose over successive years on Catalonia’s National Day. This article presents the results of a qualitative and quantitative analysis of editorial articles published around these two key dates, with the goal of studying each newspaper’s treatment of political actors and their degree of identification with these actors. Their use of arguments aimed at persuading readers and legitimizing a given position during the specified time periods in 2010 and 2012 will also be studied. The study focuses on the editorial articles published by several newspapers in four distinct regional contexts: Catalonia, Valencia, the Basque Country, as well as the whole of Spain. The analyzed articles were published a few days before and after July 10, 2010, and September 11, 2012.

Prozess dem „Prozess“ in Katalonien? Das Gerichtsverfahren gegen Artur Mas und andere in seinem Kontext

Abstract Artur Mas, the former Prime Minister of Catalonia, and two of his former ministers have been sentenced for contempt of court because they have not stopped the process of participation that cumulated in November 2014 in consulting the electorate on the issue of Catalan independence. They had received an order by the Spanish Constitutional Court to get the government out of this process; however, according to the sentence, they did not comply, and contributed to make the ballot boxes available to the electorate. Our chronological article recalls the events and follows the Courts proceedings. The article also links this juridical process to another one: the political sovereigntist “process”. It highlights the different milestones on the road map to prepare Catalonia for independence, and the juridical and political measures taken to prevent the Catalans to proceed on this road.

Catalan brinkmanship tool for political rivalry in Spain

Abstract The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.

The constitutional court and the management of political conflict: the case of Catalan independence process

Dans cet article, nous analysons le role du Tribunal constitutionnel espagnol (tc) dans le conflit sur la souverainete catalane. Dans la premiere partie, notre approche de la question est theorique. Notre attention est portee sur la place du juge constitutionnel dans les ordres juridiques traverses par une forme de pluralisme national. Dans la deuxieme partie, nous examinons les principaux arrets du tc en l’espece : du celebre arret 31/2010 sur le Statut d’autonomie catalan jusqu’a ses plus recentes interventions dans le conflit national.

Ara es l’hora? The Approach of the Catalan Political Scene to Independence Issues

The political situation in Catalonia during the last months is changing almost daily. Catalan nationalist movements consistently continue their efforts to create an independent state. As a result, every vote – an unofficial plebiscite, local elections or elections to the Catalan parliament – is treated like a referendum on the matter of independence. The Catalan actions that are ever more faster and further-reaching meet with a growing opposition of the central government, threatening the Catalan authorities with a number of sanctions in case of taking further, concrete steps to break away from Spain. Although, from the outside, the Catalan independence parties seem to be a monolith, the situation on the regional political scene is much more complex. During the past several months, the balance of power of political parties in Catalonia was completely changed. Ruling for almost thirty years, Convergencia i Unio divided and the results of the election of 27 September forced Prime Minister Artur Mas (of the centre-right CiU) and the leaders of the new pro-independence coalition Junts pel Si to seek an ally in the far-left Popular Unity Candidacy. Therefore, this is a time of difficult choices for Catalonia, not only in relation to the issue of independence, but also when it comes to alliances on the national political scene. In this article, I will try to analyze the curent political scene in Catalonia and its impact on the independence aspirations of the Autonomous Community. I will examine the current balance of power of political parties and the changes that have occurred in 2015. I will look at the programmes of the leading – in recent years as well as currently – Catalan political factions in terms of their outlook on the issue of independence. Finally, I will consider in what way the complex situation on the Catalan political scene may become a determinant of the effectiveness of the demands for independence made by the authorities of Catalonia.

Letters from the Spanish Civil War, 1937–38: Translated from Catalan, and with an introduction by Peter Bush

Letters from the Spanish Civil War, 1937–38Translated from Catalan, and with an introduction by Peter Bush Joan Sales (bio) These letters have been selected from a collection published by Joan Sales in 1976, of letters written from February 1936 to Sales’s exile in Mexico in 1941. They reveal his reactions to the May events in Barcelona (when the anarchist CNT, FAI, and Marxist POUM attacked the Telefónica building held by forces of the Catalan government), his thoughts on the Generalitat and Catalan independence, and give a unique view of life at the front in Aragon. His is the perspective of a republican, middle-class Catholic suddenly posted as officer to the extreme revolutionary Durruti column at a time when the anarchist militia were being “militarized” into a regular army. This experience — always lived with great humanity of feeling and the letters’ vivid record of daily life — was the raw material Sales transformed into fiction in his classic novel Uncertain Glory. The letters here were written to his close friend, Màrius Torres, the poet; Nuria (Nuri), his wife; Esperança, a colleague at the Catalan education department of the Generalitat; and her sister Mercé Figueres, who was recovering from tuberculosis in a sanatorium. Barcelona, Saturday, May 8, 1937 Dear Màrius, The postman just delivered your letter of Monday 3rd; a week — an abyss — of chaos has since opened up between then and now. One more “tragic week” to add to the many hapless Barcelona has experienced. Anarchism was dealt its first mortal blow; at least that is the only undeniable fact that has registered in the heads of its wary inhabitants. There were a number of losses that, in the service of a nobler struggle, might have sufficed to take Huéscar, as a first step to establishing contact with Basque Spain that is now fighting so heroically, yet so desperately. [End Page 429] My other “technical companions” and I have finally solved the mystery of why the “column” came in strength to Barcelona when we should have gone to Pina d’Ebre to reinforce the front there. Rather than doing that, whole battalions of anarchists and Trotskyists (as we ordinarily call people in the POUM) came to participate in this sinister upheaval in the rear guard. Before it hoisted the flag of rebellion against the government of Catalonia, the Durruti column was summoned to a general assembly in order to agree to take this step; we “technical companions” were also summoned though we hadn’t a clue why the assembly had been convened. The column’s assembly was held in the building on the Via Laietana that once was the Employment Office and now belongs to the CNT; we thought it was to get a majority of votes to go to Pina d’Ebre. Horror of horrors: the column’s chief, Ricardo Sanz, a former bricklayer, made a fiery speech and declared that the government of the Generalitat had provoked the CNT “like a poodle that barks at a lion” by urging it to abandon the Telefónica building, which had been occupied by the anarchists from the start of the cataclysm. This was the pretext for the rebellion that was decided by an overwhelming, almost unanimous, vote. We “technical companions” stayed in a group apart, thus indicating we wanted nothing to do with such madness; once the vote was counted, Ricardo Sanz came over to us to say: “Naturally, though you’re ‘technical experts’ in the column, you’re not obliged to follow the accord that’s just been voted; stay at home as long as it lasts. I’ll only ask for your word of honor not to take up arms against us.” What could we reply? His was a gentlemanly gesture and that was enough to commit us. So we have been completely sidelined during this disgraceful neighborhood brawl that shed a river of blood. If it hadn’t been for Ricardo Sanz’s gentlemanly behavior, if he hadn’t insisted on counting us out in his capacity as the column’s leader, we’d have been in the absurd situation of taking up arms against the government of Catalonia...

In pursuit of independence: the political economy of Catalonia's secessionist movement

AbstractThis article examines the fiscal dimensions of recent support for Catalan secession. Since the region is a cultural community distinct from the rest of Spain, much research has spotlighted national identity features in the calculus of Catalan political aspirations. This study supplements this work by contextualising support for Catalan independence in terms of the state's fiscal arrangements with the use of public opinion survey data. Even after controlling for self‐reported cultural identity and other relevant factors, it argues that support for independence is a function of grievances rooted in the desire for Catalonia to assume responsibility for taxation and spending policy. Meanwhile, it validates some observations about Catalonia's separatist movement, while bringing others into question, and offers support for the theoretical framework linking political economy to secessionism. The results suggest that Spain might be able to stave off Catalonia's separatist bid through some form of political and taxation policy reconfiguration, with the caveats that cultural identity factors and the existence of other separatist movements across the country complicate this strategy.

Catalan Independence and the Challenge of Credibility: The Causes and Consequences of Catalan Nationalist Parties’ Strategic Behavior

This contribution examines the role of Convergència i Unió and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya in putting the issue of Catalonia's constitutional relationship with the rest of Spain at the top of the Catalan and Spanish political agenda. It focuses on the strategic behavior of these two parties in pursuit of their territorial goals since 1978 and identifies the complex dynamics that led both parties to converge around a shared commitment to Catalan sovereignty. It is argued that the extent to which past strategic decisions have strengthened or weakened nationalist parties’ credibility on their core business of territorial empowerment has a significant impact on the options currently available to them as they seek a satisfactory answer to the Catalan question.

Political Power and Civil Counterpower: The Complex Dynamics of the Catalan Independence Movement

Civil proindependence associations are playing an increasingly significant role in Catalonia's independence movement, putting pressure on the Catalan government to work decisively towards independence. This has led many Catalans to characterize the movement as a “bottom-up” phenomenon. This contribution analyzes the shifting power dynamics within mainstream Catalan nationalism over the last decade, challenging simplistic notions of “top-down” and “bottom-up” pressures for change. In fact, the movement is now inherently multidimensional—partly thanks to the pivotal role of the cultural elites and their grasp of the power of new media—and this in itself accounts in large part for its success.

A new state in Europe? Scenarios for Catalan self-determination

Historically, the political structure of Spain has been a source of conflict: peripheral regions as Catalonia and the Basque country have questioned the centralized power of the state and have claimed a higher level of decentralization in view of their distinct history, cultural identity and language. Recently, political and social discontent has escalated in Catalonia, leading to the unilateral announcement of a Catalan self-determination referendum for November 2014. Regardless of political or ethical preferences, it will be necessary to foresee the consequences of this process for Catalonia, Spain and elsewhere. A scenario approach focuses on possible outcomes of the current debate rather than on the arguments put forward in the controversy. Those in favour of Catalan independence have depicted a future for their country with a booming economy that will situate it at currently unattainable levels of prosperity. Opponents of secession argue that Catalonia will become a failed state. These future visions of an independent Catalonia can be described as scenarios, the underlying assumptions and plausibility of which can be analysed. EU membership and the effect of borders on international trade are identified as key variables. The alternative scenarios will also be crucial to evaluate the broader impact of “a new state in Europe”.

Secession within the Union Intersection Points of International and European Law

With the referenda on possible Scottish and Catalan independence and the electoral successes of the Flemish pro-independence movement, secession of part of a EU Member State has become a real possibility that cannot be ignored any longer. The driving forces behind the referenda seek independence but they do not seek withdrawal from the Union. This is a scenario without precedent. An exploration of its legal and political aspects is therefore a timely matter. In this collection of think pieces a number of experts from both public international law and European Union law present their thoughts on key aspects of Secession within the Union.

Introduction: A Special Section on Self-Determination and the Use of Referendums: Catalonia, Quebec and Scotland

Referendums (also known as plebiscites) are instruments to bring democracy closer to the citizens by means of a direct vote in which the entire electorate is asked to either accept or reject a particular proposal. Referendums reveal the views of the people in a direct manner and, in this respect, they epitomise “popular sovereignty”. Legitimacy emanates from them. Referendums are known as a key example of direct democracy. Often, referendums are concerned with important constitutional changes aiming to transform the system of government. By submitting constitutional changes to a referendum, these changes become entrenched; this means that future governments and parliaments will only be able to reverse the changes if they consult the people in a new referendum. However, some key questions need to be addressed: who is entitled to hold a referendum? What are the mechanisms to grant it legitimacy? And, who decides on its conditions and binding nature? Recently, Quebec went through a referendum process twice, Scotland is about to conduct one in 2014 and Catalonia is struggling with Madrid to organise its own referendum on Catalan independence. The papers included in this special issue seek to explore whether referenda are efficient instruments in the furthering of democracy. In particular, it focuses upon the use of referendums as a tool to establish the strength of claims for self-determination within nations lacking a state of their own. Quebec went through two referendums on sovereignty, in 1980 and 1995. In both cases, the secessionist project failed to achieve its goal. In 1995, the NO side won by a very thin margin Int J Polit Cult Soc (2014) 27:1–3 DOI 10.1007/s10767-013-9166-3

Prospects for an Independent Catalonia

The aim of this paper is to examine the factors that have triggered the recent shift from devolution to secession expressed by the Catalan grassroots movement which has been consolidated in the last 5 years or so. This movement stands in favour of the so-called ‘right to decide’ which specifically demands the right of Catalan citizens to be considered as a ‘demos’ able to decide upon its political future by means of holding a referendum on the issue. Conflict has emerged as a result of the Spanish state’s prohibition to allow for a referendum on that issue. The paper offers an overview of the origins of modern Catalan nationalism by tracing back its roots to Franco’s dictatorship and the subsequent transition to democracy. It analyses the main arguments behind the qualitative shift from devolution to secession embodied in the rise of a novel bottom up secessionist movement supporting the idea of holding a referendum on Catalan independence from Spain; so far, strictly forbidden by the Spanish State. The paper considers the impediments to a ‘referendum’ on Catalan independence founded upon the Spanish Constitution. To conclude, it examines the rise of a novel grassroots civil society movement demanding the right of Catalonia to decide upon its political future.

Secessionism in Catalonia: After Democracy

The article is divided into four main parts. First it offers a theoretical framework, which includes key concepts such as nation, state and nation without state. Second, it examines the origins of modern Catalan nationalism by tracing back its roots to Franco's dictatorship and the subsequent transition to democracy. Third, it analyses the reasons behind the qualitative shift from devolution to secession embodied in the rise of a novel bottom-up Catalan secessionist movement, which has developed in the last five years or so. This movement supports the idea of holding a referendum on Catalan independence from Spain—so far, strictly forbidden by the Spanish state. This part also analyses the impediments to a ‘referendum’ on Catalan independence founded upon the Spanish Constitution. The final part focuses on the main arguments invoked by Catalans when prompted to account for the rise of secessionism, only recently introduced into the Catalan political landscape.