Cash Wages Research Articles

2003 Handbook of Employment Regulations Affecting Florida Farm Employers and Workers: Income Tax Withholding for Farm Workers [Federal

Income tax withholding for farm workers means to withhold federal income taxes on the cash wages of farmworkers. This is EDIS document FE403, a publication of the Department of Food and Resource Economics, Florida Cooperative Extension Service, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Published July 2003. This information is included in Circular 1200, Handbook of Employment Regulations Affecting Florida Farm Employers and Workers.
 FE403/FE403: 2017 Handbook of Employment Regulations Affecting Florida Farm Employers and Workers: Income Tax Withholding for Farm Workers [Federal] (ufl.edu)

The Implications of Migrant Labour for Urban Social Systems in Africa

In reviewing the literature on urbanization in Africa, I shall endeavour to focus attention on the effects of different patterns of labour migration in South, East, Central and West Africa. Hitherto, this phenomenon has been studied largely from the standpoint of the rural worker as a necessary, albeit temporary urban resident. His roots have been based in the tribal village and, it is argued, have asserted a dominant influence in directing attitudes away from the town to the tribal economy and social structure. Previously, attempts have been made to show that the cash payments which the migrant contributes to the tribal economy, together with other material goods, afford clear evidence to demonstrate the perpetuation of tribal attitudes. The persistence of rural marriages, despite serious incursions due to the absence of male partners on contract wages and employment in the urban areas, is an additional index of rurality. The continuing, though depleted services made by migrants in their uxorilocally sited villages (in Central African matrilineal areas) and in adjacent Reserves (in Rhodesia and South Africa) is a third. However, I have tried to illustrate the other side of this ruralurban continuum by relating the material to the peculiarly urban forces at play to show a gradual shift towards 'town rootedness' concomitant with increasing industrialization (in Central and Southern Africa) and trading (in East and West Africa). The dominant forces contributing towards this attitude have been the increasing dependence on a cash wage, the growth of high density residential housing areas, the emergence of voluntary associations and the development of urban-based social networks and norms of behaviour. Finally, I conclude by reviewing the efforts at devising indices of urbanization, within the African context, relating these to certain

The Culture of Poverty in Paris on the Eve of the Revolution

At the very beginning of the investigation, it is necessary to find a word to describe the European masses before the coming of the twin revolutions, the French and Industrial, that have contributed so much to the making of the modern world. “Proletariat” is clearly anachronistic; “wage-earners” is inadequate in a society where cash wages were far from being the most common form of payment for labor. “Working class” is too much identified with nineteenth century developments and, what is worse, conjures up an image of a homogeneous group that does not conform to eighteenth century realities. “Laboring poor” is by far the best, for it emphasizes two primary facts about the people with whom we are concerned: first, that, to one extent or another, they earned their living by doing manual labor, and, second, that they were being continuously impoverished, as Professor Labrousse has shown. The category has several virtues as a tool of historical analysis. It is large enough to take account of the complexities of eighteenth century social conditions, stressing the mobility and social intercourse that existed, albeit on a diminishing scale, between the master artisans and shopkeepers, their apprentices and journeymen on the one hand, and the domestics, beggars, criminals and floating elements in the population, on the other.Classes laborieusesandclasses dangereuseslived side by side and recruited their personnel from one another. They did in fact form a whole, whom contemporaries called“les classes inférieures”. If we look toward the future, we see that the French Revolution Was to bring about a temporary split in their ranks by politicizing those among them who became the sans-culottes, and that the Industrial Revolution was to complete this division on other bases by allowing some of the laboring poor to become petty capitalists, While forcing the majority to become proletarians or to fall further still into the nether world of the lumpen-proletariat. In sum, the use of the concept of the laboring poor enables us to come close to the reality of eighteenth century paris and to watch the disagregation of that reality with the passage of time.

The Economics of Planting Density in Rubber Growing

i. The plantation rubber industry falls into two fairly distinct sections of about equal size, estates and smallholdings.1 The planting density-the number of trees per surface unit-on smallholdings is much greater than on estates, some 200-300 trees per mature acre against 70-90 trees on estates. It is very generally assumed by European observers,2 and almost universally by European planters, that the higher density on smallholdings reflects the failure of the smallholders to appreciate the adverse effect of this high density on the yielding capacity of the trees. This opinion, which has had important repercussions on smallholders' assessments under rubber restriction, appears to be mistaken. The different planting densities are only one aspect of the fundamentally different economic basis of rubber growing by estates and by smallholders. 2. In the choice of planting density the rational course is not the same for estates and for smallholdings. The latter incur no cash wage costs, being operated by the owner and his family, occasionally assisted by outside labour paid on a share basis. The smallholders attempt to maximise the gross yield per surface unit. On their densely planted holdings the trees are of smaller girth and the yield per tree lower than on the estates, but the yield per surface unit is higher. In Malaya and the Netherlands East Indies (N.E.I.) normal, unrestricted yields on smallholdings are about 475-500 lb. per mature acre, against some 400 lb. on seedling estates. The estate employing paid tappers tries to maximise the cash profit per acre, and it is held that the higher profit per tree resulting from the higher yield per tapper on less densely planted areas more than offsets the reduction in gross receipts due to the lower stand. Indeed, it has been claimed that very low stands, say 40 or So trees per acre, would give such high yields per tree that the profits per acre would be higher than on the more, densely planted areas. There is, however, not enough evidence to support this view, which would be valid only on extreme assumptions. The smallholder would naturally also like to increase the output