La reconnaissance automatique des plaques d'immatriculation (RAPI) est un outil policier très répandu, mais les informations disponibles sur l'utilisation de cette technologie au Canada sont limitées. Une enquête menée auprès des services de police canadiens révèle que 57 % ( n = 74) des services ayant répondu déclarent utiliser la RAPI. L'utilisation de la RAPI par la police n'est pas normalisée au Canada, ce qui laisse à chaque service le soin d’élaborer sa propre procédure de RAPI. La plupart des services (n = 42) qui utilisent la RAPI n'ont pas élaboré de procédure écrite pour encadrer l'usage de cette technologie. Selon une analyse du contenu de 23 procédures de RAPI utilisées par la police canadienne, les principaux thèmes abordés sont les attentes liées au programme, les utilisateurs, les superviseurs, la sécurité et la conservation des données, la divulgation des données et les relations publiques. L'article considère ces thèmes dans le contexte de lignes directrices nationales et internationales relatives à la RAPI afin de soutenir l’élaboration de pratiques de RAPI normalisées à l’échelle du Canada. Une technologie policière largement utilisée devrait être utilisée de manière cohérente. Si la législation existante en matière de protection de la vie privée guide l'utilisation de ces technologies de surveillance par la police, un cadre favorisant la cohérence entre ces différents thèmes permettrait de renforcer la fiabilité des services de police.

While persons in crisis (PICs) are overrepresented in police Use of Force (UoF) incidents, the contexts and underlying causes of this overrepresentation remain unclear. Using data from standardized reports collected over a two-year period from a large Canadian police agency, this study compared UoF incidents involving PICs and persons not in crisis. PICs comprised 17.1% of subjects across all UoF incidents (i.e., drawn, displayed, and applied force; n = 2,191) and 24.2% of subjects in applied UoF incidents (n = 1,146). Results indicated that situational factors – including officer, subject, and environmental characteristics – were significantly associated with whether a subject was perceived to be in crisis. Controlling for these factors, PICs had higher odds of having force applied to them, but lower odds of officers perceiving the UoF as effective, compared to persons not in crisis. However, PICs were no more likely to be injured by the UoF, nor were officers more likely to be injured. Findings show the need for enhanced de-escalation and crisis intervention training that prepares officers to manage crisis encounters more effectively, and suggest that alternative response models (i.e., co-response teams) may be better suited to respond to PICs.

Despite the amount of research on police culture, little is known about how police culture reinforces systemic racism in Canadian policing. In race and policing scholarship, less is known about how women police officers perpetuate systemic racism in policing. Based on 16 interviews with women police officers from a police organization in Alberta, this study examines how police culture reinforces systemic racism in Canadian policing. Using colorblind racism and intersectionality, the findings demonstrate that officers regularly say racist jokes to normalize racialized police violence. Officers emphasize warrior police culture and suspiciousness to physically assault and racially profile Indigenous people, including those living in encampments. Officers associate Blackness with criminality by reinforcing culturally racist stereotypes about Black Canadians, such as having criminal lifestyles. Furthermore, officers hold racist and xenophobic perceptions about refugees and when refugees call the police for help, officers culturally frame them as criminals and blame all refugees for an individual’s criminal offense. White women officers were more likely than Black women and Biracial (Indigenous/White) women officers to reinforce the colorblind racist myth that racialized police violence is only an American problem, and that policing is a race-neutral practice.

Police “operational independence” is an overbroad and confusing term. Moreover, the idea that those who govern the police have no role in anything that can be characterized as police operations was significantly to blame for the policing failures that led to the use of the Emergencies Act in February 2022 to clear the Ottawa occupation. The first part of this article examines the origins and meaning of police independence. It suggests that there is a growing consensus on limiting the ambit of police independence to the exercise of law enforcement discretion. The second part examines the juridical statute of police independence. It concludes that police independence limited to law enforcement discretion is an important constitutional principle and principle of fundamental justice. The third part argues for the codification of such limited law enforcement police independence in all Canadian policing acts. The Ottawa policing failures demonstrates that Justices Morden’s and Epstein’s attempts to limit the ambit of police operational in Ontario legislation have not been successful. Clear legislative definition of police independence as only applying to law enforcement decisions such as those relating to investigations, arrests and prosecutions is necessary

A no-knock police raid is a law enforcement tactic where officers enter a private dwelling without prior notice. In Canada, there is a significant lack of comprehensive data, on the frequency and outcomes of no-knock police raids and their unintended damages and consequences. While quantitative studies on police violence have been informative, there is a significant gap in documenting racialized lived experiences with no-knock police raids in Canada. This research addresses the gap by focusing on the lived experiences of four Black and one South Asian individual subjected to no-knock police raids. Qualitative interviews were conducted in 2022 followed with thematic analysis. This exploratory study, though small in sample size, sheds light on the overlooked experiences of individuals subjected to no-knock police raids. It provides data to support the dissenting opinion in the legal case R v Cornell which advocates for the regulation of Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams including controls on no knock tactics in Canada. The findings contribute to understanding the emotional and psychological toll no-knock police raids have on racialized individuals and communities. Findings contribute to the broader literature and discussions on how to improve policing tactics to mitigate harm by preventing unintended collateral harm and better protect privacy rights.

Despite the widespread implementation of anti-bias training programs tailored to policing, Canadian academic literature offers few studies examining officers’ attitudes towards and perceptions of these programs and their influence over time. This study addresses this gap by evaluating an anti-racism training module focused on the impact of racial trauma and the historical and ongoing effects of race and racism in Canadian policing. The training, mandated for newly recruited frontline officers in a Canadian municipal police agency, was assessed using a longitudinal, multi-method design, including one-on-one semi-structured interviews, conducted with the newly recruited officers 12–18 months after going into the field. Findings indicate that while officers initially engaged in critical self-reflection, citing concrete ways officers may foster more positive interactions with black and racialized communities, such reflections diminished over time. After one year in the field, officers de-emphasized the relevance of racial trauma training, citing operational priorities, race-neutral approaches to citizen engagement, and references to generational and recruitment-based progress in policing. This study discusses implications for the design of future training initiatives and broader institutional reforms aimed at addressing racial bias in law enforcement.

This brief is based on the following published work:Huey, L., & Ferguson, L. (2024). ‘No one wants to end up on YouTube’: Sousveillance and ‘cop-baiting’ in Canadian policing. Policing and Society. https://doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2024.2329239APB The political landscape has shifted, and police are increasingly the target of activist actions aimed at discrediting the institution and its members. Police must be more proactive in managing communications during political and other events. External communications – particularly monitoring and responding to social media posts across multiple platforms – should be a key component of incident and public order command and not an afterthought. Combating misinformation requires faster and/or real-time information release when possible, including photographs, live streaming, body-worn and dash camera footage, and other videos from events.

Canadian police organizations are under significant pressure to enhance the health and wellness of their employees. Growing research suggests that training in meditation and mindfulness can contribute to the well-being of police personnel and may even be a catalyst for police reform. Limited research, however, has been conducted that seeks to understand how these practices should be introduced into Canadian police organizations. This article contributes to this understanding by sharing results from an exploratory study that asked 11 Commissioned Officers, who regularly practice meditation, to identify the key factors that should be considered when introducing mindfulness practice into their large Canadian police service. Using semi-structured interviews and focus groups, and guided by a reflexive thematic analysis approach, six themes were developed. These can be viewed as both barriers (invincibility and stigma; overworked and overstressed; and checkbox cynicism) and bridges (credible champions; the whole person perspective; and the philosophy of servant leadership) to the successful introduction of meditation and mindfulness practices into Canadian police organizations. This study advances the literature on introducing mindfulness to policing as it is one of the first to focus on the perceptions of mindfulness practicing Commissioned Police Officers. It also offers practical suggestions for police leaders, and leaders from other public safety professions, to consider when contemplating the introduction of these mental practices into their organizations.

ABSTRACT Citizen recordings of police-public encounters are increasingly surfacing on social media, especially those in which individuals intentionally create confrontational situations to provoke a desired response from police officers. The latter is a form of, what we term, cop-baiting, driven mainly by the ubiquitous sousveillance of police by citizens. Although the literature has explored how media can impact public perceptions of police and police legitimacy, little research has examined cop-baiting social media content specifically or the impacts of cop-baiting forms of sousveillance. The current study investigates police officers’ perspectives, concerns, and experiences of these phenomena while concurrently exploring the perceived consequences of these on officers and policing, representing a novel departure from previous work. To examine police sousveillance and cop-baiting, we draw on qualitative interviews with over sixty police officers from across Canada who have been involved in the policing of politically contentious events. Most notable among the findings were that officers reported a range of impacts of sousveillance and cop-baiting, including occupational stress, effects on families and loved ones, and professional and reputational implications. It was also uncovered that police sousveillance and cop-baiting could significantly undermine police legitimacy and public trust. The current study concludes with some final thoughts on the meaning of cop-baiting and the problematic nature of this activity, a future research agenda, and considerations for police and policymakers.

ABSTRACT Based on an analysis of data released through Freedom of Information (FOI) requests, Canadian researchers have suggested that Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams are no longer exclusively deployed to resolve high-risk incidents but now frequently respond to routine calls that do not necessitate their involvement. Given concerns about these conclusions, we submitted the same FOI requests to the 14 police agencies examined by Roziere and Walby [2020. Special weapons and tactics teams in Canadian policing: legal, institutional, and economic dimensions. Policing and society, 30 (6), 704–719] and worked with the FOI analyst from each agency to ensure that the data were being interpreted correctly. Based on our re-analysis of the FOI-released data, we report on two problems with the conclusions reached by Roziere and Walby: the conflation of incidents where any SWAT officer responds to calls with full SWAT team deployments and the masking of potential risk factors in calls when relying on call type categories. Our findings illustrate the value of police agencies disclosing relevant contextual information to researchers when possible and they reinforce the necessity of collaborating with FOI analysts to better understand the data being released.

On November 14, 2023, Devon Clunis presented The Pursuit of Excellence: Canadian Policing in The 21st Century for this year’s West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a question-and-answer period with questions from the audience and CASIS Vancouver executives. The key points discussed were that Canadian policing must evolve to stay relevant in a changing society and focus on addressing socio-cultural narratives and embracing change agents; Canadian policing must adapt to serve a variety of cultures and ethnicities, emphasizing cultural sensitivity; and enhancing collaboration, community engagement, and training focused on social justice and human rights to improve policing effectiveness and community trust.
 
 Received: 01-14-2024
 Revised: 01-26-2024

Les caméras corporelles sont de plus en plus utilisées par les services de police du monde entier. Grâce à une enquête menée auprès de tous les services de police fédéraux, provinciaux, municipaux et des Premières Nations du Canada, il se dégage que 36 des 172 services de police canadiens ont déclaré avoir utilisé des caméras corporelles en 2022. Le présent article propose également une évaluation, sous forme de tableau de bord, de toutes les procédures disponibles régissant l’utilisation des cameras corporelles au Canada ( N = 27), documentant la mesure dans laquelle ces procédures abordent les questions fondamentales liées à la réglementation en matière d’utilisation de ces caméras. Les thèmes clés des procédures se répartissent en six catégories générales: attentes du programme des cameras corporelles, attentes des utilisateurs de cameras corporelles, attentes des superviseurs de cameras corporelles, attentes en matière de conservation et de stockage des données, attentes en matière de divulgation des vidéos, et considérations supplémentaires. Les procédures présentent une grande cohérence. Presque toutes ces procédures fournissent des directives en matière d’activation, exigent la notification du sujet dès que cela est raisonnablement possible, ne permettent pas que les images captées par les cameras corporelles se substituent à d’autres formes de preuves, et autorisent les utilisateurs à visionner les images. Toutefois, certains sujets sont abordés de manière beaucoup moins cohérente, avec un petit nombre de procédures présentant des commentaires sur la mise en mémoire tampon de la caméra et les pratiques sensibles aux victimes, ainsi que la communication de renseignements dans l’intérêt du public. Le présent article plaide pour une normalisation continue des procédures régissant l’utilisation des caméras corporelles à travers le Canada (et les mécanismes de gouvernance policière de manière plus générale) afin d’appuyer une prestation des services de police cohérents et de haute qualité partout dans le pays.

Policing organizations play a vital role in increasing diversity and recruiting individuals from diverse backgrounds. However, they face the challenge of reconciling merit-based hiring with the influence of social capital, necessitating a stronger focus on equity policies. This paper delves into this intricate landscape, leveraging both personal experiences and the framework of employment equity laws. It also draws upon insights gleaned from the Sandhu case to advocate for a holistic approach that encompasses cultural and legal changes to combat the issues surrounding “otherness” within policing. Through a comprehensive exploration of these cases, this paper unravels an intricate tapestry of the challenges faced by policing organizations. It provides valuable insights into nurturing diversity, equity, and inclusion within these entities, addressing issues like othering and racial profiling. This paper underscores the vital importance of public security organizations embracing equity, diversity, and inclusion to better fulfill their mission of serving the communities they protect. By adopting these principles, organizations can improve their effectiveness and make substantial contributions to fostering a more equitable society, transcending the confines of mere reputation management.

Across the globe, leaders in policing are increasingly recognizing the urgency and significance of addressing the health and wellness of law enforcement personnel as concerning trends related to the mental health of officers continue to grow. Emerging from three years of some of the most challenging circumstances that Canadian policing has faced, and over five years since the last national check-in, the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police (CACP) designed the 2023 Canadian Policing Wellness Check Conference to bring about a renewed sense of focus to the wellness of the policing community. Organized by the CACP and moderated by esteemed advisor and educator Norm Taylor, the conference brought together 176 delegates, speakers, sponsors, and leaders from the international and national policing and mental health communities for an inspiring, fast-paced two-day conference at the Fairmont Château Laurier in Ottawa, Ontario, on March 7 and 8, 2023. The following paper provides a comprehensive report on the proceedings.

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Research into the benefits of mindfulness training, meditation, and other contemplative practices for the workplace has grown dramatically. Within the context of Canadian policing, the wellness benefits of these mental practices are beginning to be understood. However, little is known about Canadian police officers’ current use of these practices. This information is important for future research exploring the effects of these practices over time, and for police agencies considering introducing mindfulness or meditation training programs into their organizations. This article shares initial findings from a broader, yet unpublished, qualitative study of a cohort of Commissioned Officers from a large Canadian police service who self-identified as having regular meditation practices. Invitations to participate in a study exploring the perceived influence of meditation on leadership were e-mailed to all 605 Commissioned Officers. Of the 13 individuals who responded, 11 met the study criteria. Qualitative content analysis of the data yielded the following results: Commissioned Officers in a wide variety of roles in this police service are engaged in a broad spectrum of contemplative practices; each participant engaged in multiple practices; and the most common reason for beginning to practice meditation was to assist in recovery from a psychological or physical injury. These findings suggest that police organizations introduce a variety of mental training practices early in officers’ service to ensure their career is more positive, resilient, and rewarding.

ABSTRACT This interdisciplinary study applies Erving Goffman’s sociological theory of the total institution and the psychological framework of institutional betrayal to better understand how ongoing gendered and racialized power structures are maintained in Canadian policing. An intersectional analysis of 116 in-depth interviews with police officers from 31 police services and an on-line, national survey (N = 727) reveal that steep institutional requirements of assimilation and conformity, combined with various, commonly reported mechanisms of institutional betrayal effectively silenced, discredited, and/or minimized reports of sexual and gender and/or race-based workplace abuse. This led to significantly negative impacts on racialized women, men, and white women’s mental health, retention rates, and willingness to report workplace abuse. Overall, this study found the ongoing presence of systemic racism and sexism within police services across Canada, institutional knowledge of their existence, coordinated efforts to contain complaints, and ongoing resistance to meaningful change.

In the wake of the killing of George Floyd, Canadian and US policing has received mass scrutiny. These violent police behavior is currently prompting questions about the appropriate use of force by police officers. Police use of force usually focuses on police officer’s brutality in their official capacity, but there is a lack of empirical data on brutality and abuse perpetrated by police against their intimate partners in their private family lives. Although police officers are more likely than civilians to abuse their partners, the power and training provided to police officers by the state make them significantly more dangerous as domestic violence perpetrators. “Feminist theory” and “Hegemonic Masculinity theory” have been applied to understand the power and control that police officers have due to their training, which causes them to be considered more violent and dangerous for their families, especially for their intimate partners. To support the argument, three key themes have emerged: police abusers are skilled abusers; victims face a tremendous struggle to report the abuse; and available support systems for the victims of police abusers sometimes not adequate for them. Finally, some policy implications have been provided to address this problematic and potentially more dangerous issue.

The positive perceptions of Canadians towards their local police had been relatively stable between 2000 and 2019, but survey results show those positive feelings dropped throughout the country after the start of the pandemic in March 2020 and the murder of George Floyd by an American police officer 2 months later. These changing perceptions have significant consequences for police services as lower levels of trust, confidence, and legitimacy reduce the public’s willingness to cooperate with them. While too soon to determine whether these decreased favourable perceptions will persist, they indicate the vulnerability of local police services to factors beyond their control. Implications for further research and policy are identified considering these findings.

PurposeBlack Canadians have a historically tenuous relationship with the police. Negative perceptions of the police held by Black people have traditionally resulted from high levels of police contact and perceived negative treatment during these encounters. Well-publicized instances of police violence involving Black civilians have also fostered hostility and mistrust of the police, often resulting in social unrest. Recently, in the wake of George Floyd's death at the hands of American police, people across Canada rallied in support of the Black Lives Matter social movement and calls to defund the police entered mainstream political consciousness. At the same time, police leaders have vehemently argued that racial bias within Canadian policing has been greatly reduced as the result of various reform efforts.Design/methodology/approachThis paper explores the police racism debate in Canada through an analysis of three waves of survey data collected between 1994 and 2019.FindingsDespite well-publicized reform efforts, the authors' findings demonstrate that little has changed over the past 25 years. Black people still report much higher rates of police stop and search activity than people from other racial backgrounds. Furthermore, racial disparities in negative police contact remain strongly significant after controlling for other theoretically relevant factors, including self-reported deviance and community crime levels. Finally, reflecting their negative experiences, most Black people still perceive Canadian law enforcement as racially biased. Nonetheless, the data do reveal one significant change: the proportion of white people who perceive police discrimination against Black people has increased dramatically over this same time period. The paper concludes by discussing the prospects of meaningful reform in light of the current findings.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the literature on race and policing through an examination of 25 years of survey data across three waves of collection.