Field In California Research Articles

California's Migrant Farmworkers

"No one comes out here. No one knows what we go through," Roberto Valdez, a farmworker in the Coachella Valley town of Thermal, California, tells Gabriel Thompson, the interviewer and editor of Chasing the Harvest, a recently published book of interviews with farmworkers, growers, union activists, teachers, and others. And as one reads through the compelling stories that are told in the collection, one gets a deep sense of what Roberto means, as well as a passionate urge to have others know of the life and work of those who labor in California's fields.

Sowing seeds of hope in California's fields of resistance to Pharm rice and Frankenfish

California has been an important site of governance on risks from genetically engineered (GE) organisms. This paper reviews California's efforts to govern the ecological and food safety risks from GE salmon and GE pharmaceutical rice. We explain how a political constellation of actors emerged to pursue precautionary policies, and we discuss the prospects for similar policies elsewhere. We find that regulation of particularly risky objects is possible in some places, particularly where social movement organizations are mobilized and the possible consequences are severe, such as with impacts to wild salmon runs or pharmaceutically contaminated foods. But such regulations may only emerge when they are inconsequential to, or aligned with, the market concerns of dominant economic interests.Key Words: genetically engineered organisms, social movements, biosafety, California.

The Field Act: History and Issues for California Schools

California's Field Act, which sets seismic safety standards for pubic and private schools, has been a central element of that state's earthquake preparedness policy for decades. It remains a controversial and much-debated issue, however. Various state officials and regulatory agencies have alternately supported the legislation as a guardian of students' security, denounced it as being too stringent, and criticized it as not being stringent enough. This report discusses the Field Act, its history, and current relevant issues. The first section discusses the history of various California earthquakes and their relation to several pieces of legislation passed in response to them, including the Field Act. The second section discusses current policy issues relating to the Field Act, namely its applicability to various types of schools, its applicability to relocatable and leased buildings, and its relation to the Uniform Building Code. The report concludes with a discussion of the relative merits and shortcomings of the Field Act, as well as similar measures taken in other regions. ### Long Beach Earthquake The 1933 Long Beach, California earthquake ( M 6.3) graphically demonstrated the vulnerability of school buildings (Figure 1). A contemporaneous account reported: More significant than the damage to commercial buildings, residences, and other types of structures, was the exposure of the general weakness of the schools in which the children of all families congregate each day. In Long Beach, in Compton, in Huntington Park — in fact in every community where the earthquake was at all intense — severe damage to school buildings was general. Auditoriums collapsed, walls were thrown down, and the very exits to safety were piled high with debris which a few moments before had been heavy parts of towers and ornamental entrances. It is sufficient to suggest the terrible consequences had the same earthquake occurred a few hours earlier. (USDC, 1973) Schools …

Theodore B. Wilcox: Captain of Industry and Magnate of the China Flour Trade, 1884-1918

DanielJ.Mei?ner Theodore ?. Wilcox Captain ofIndustry andMagnateofthe China Flonr Trade,1884-1918 The situation now awaits theman. Another Governor C.C. Washburn [who] would lead theAmerican millers to a glorious trade conquest, beside which the achieve ments of thepast would he dwarfed into insignificance. "There is the east; there is theOrient," should be the watch-word of theAmerican miller. . . . What iswanted today in themilling trade isjust one largeman. . . . ? The NorthwesternMiller, 18971 ^^^P^hat "one large man" eager to mount the podium of en trepreneurial greatness was already prepared to accept one of themost singular commercial challenges of the era: cultiva tion of the tremendous flour markets of China. Theodore Burney Wilcox?an ambitious New England bank tellerwho had become an aggressive Portland businessman ? had systematically built his flour milling company into one of themost successful enterprises on the Pacific Coast. Like other great "boomers" of the Gilded Age, however, his goal was not one merely of success but also of empire. He envisioned a vast milling conglomerate that would draw upon the boundless wheat sup plies ofOregon's Willamette Valley and the Palouse in easternWashington to provide flour for the insatiable millions of Asia. Given Wilcox's busi ness acumen, tenacity, and temperament, few of his contemporaries enter tained any doubt that he would ultimately achieve his objective. 518 OHQ vol. 104, no. 4 ? 2003 Oregon Historical Society OHS neg.,OrHi 24259 i^&% f t**?****?*^ Great stockpiles ofbagged wheat testify to the productivity ofOregonfarmers who supplied themills of Theodore Wilcox s flour empire. The path to such lofty aspirations began inAgawam, Massachusetts, where Wilcox was born on July8,1856, toHenry and SarahWilcox. "Thede," as he was known as a child, grew up in a hard-working, middle-class fam ily. At theageoffive, he lostthethumband indexfinger ofhis right hand in a hay-cutter accident. Resilient and undaunted, he overcame his im Meissner, Theodore B.Wilcox 519 pairment by learning towrite equally well with either hand. After gradu ating from public high school, he entered thework force as an office boy in the Hampton National Bank ofWestfield, Massachusetts. The position did not suit him well. Ambitious even as a teenager,Wilcox sought chal lenge and responsibility but was resigned by his youth and handicap to running errands and sweeping floors. An early opportunity to advance arosewhen theprincipal tellerfellillandWilcox volunteeredtofill the position. He demonstrated to hesitant bank administrators that despite his injured hand he was able to count bills quickly and accurately, and he proved so competent at the task that he was promoted to clerk, a position he held for the next five years.2 In 1877,Asahel Bush II, co-director of the Ladd & Bush banking firm in Salem, Oregon, was traveling on the East Coast in search of a talented, adventurous young man to fill a vacant position in the firm's Portland bank. When Bush met Wilcox at theHampton Bank, he was so impressed by the young clerk's "enterprise and ability" that he immediately offered him the job.3 Wilcox accepted without hesitation, and at the age of twenty two set sail for Portland - a small town an entire continent away that offered precisely the mix of stability, challenge, and prospects that he deemed necessary to fulfillhis own potential.4 Wilcox settled in rooms above the bank and started working the teller window. His efficiency and sound judgment soon drew the attention of the bank president, William Ladd, who began seeking his advice on business investment opportunities. LikeWilcox in temperament, Ladd had been an adventuresome New England farmer,who in 1851at the age of twenty-five had set sail for the West Coast tomake his fortune ? not in the rugged gold fields ofCalifornia like somany others but in supplying miners head ing out from Portland.5 Selling everything from shaving soap to blasting powder, he quickly expanded his small business into a thrivingmercantile enterprise.6 In 1852, he formed theMessrs. Ladd & Tilton Company with San Francisco merchant and boyhood friend Charles Tilton; the follow ing year, they erected the firstbrick building inPortland near the corner of Front and Stark. As Portland grew, the company expanded; and in 1859, the partners founded the Ladd & Tilton Bank, capitalized with $50,000 of...

Mexican Workers & American Dreams: Immigration, Repatriation, and California Farm Labor, 1900-1939

Earlier in this century, over one million Mexican immigrants moved to the United States, attracted by the prospect of work in California's fields. The Mexican farmworkers were tolerated by Americans as long as there was enough work to go around. During the Great Depression, though, white Americans demanded that Mexican workers and their families return to Mexico. In the 1930s, the federal government and county relief agencies forced the repatriation of half a million Mexicans--and some Mexican Americans as well. Camille Guerin-Gonzales tells the story of their migration, their years here, and of the repatriation program--one of the largest mass removal operations ever sanctioned by the U.S. government. She exposes the powers arrayed against Mexicans as well as the patterns of Mexican resistance, and she maps out constructions of national and ethnic identity across the contested terrain of the American Dream.

Mexican Workers and American Dreams: Immigration, Repatriation, and California Farm Labor, 1900-1939.

Earlier in this century, over one million Mexican immigrants moved to the United States, attracted by the prospect of work in California's fields. The Mexican farmworkers were tolerated by Americans as long as there was enough work to go around. During the Great Depression, though, white Americans demanded that Mexican workers and their families return to Mexico. In the 1930s, the federal government and county relief agencies forced the repatriation of half a million Mexicans--and some Mexican Americans as well. Camille Guerin-Gonzales tells the story of their migration, their years here, and of the repatriation program--one of the largest mass removal operations ever sanctioned by the U.S. government. She exposes the powers arrayed against Mexicans as well as the patterns of Mexican resistance, and she maps out constructions of national and ethnic identity across the contested terrain of the American Dream.

Mexican Workers and American Dreams: Immigration, Repatriation, and California Farm Labor, 1900-1939

Earlier in this century, over one million Mexican immigrants moved to the United States, attracted by the prospect of work in California's fields. The Mexican farmworkers were tolerated by Americans as long as there was enough work to go around. During the Great Depression, though, white Americans demanded that Mexican workers and their families return to Mexico. In the 1930s, the federal government and county relief agencies forced the repatriation of half a million Mexicans--and some Mexican Americans as well. Camille Guerin-Gonzales tells the story of their migration, their years here, and of the repatriation program--one of the largest mass removal operations ever sanctioned by the U.S. government. She exposes the powers arrayed against Mexicans as well as the patterns of Mexican resistance, and she maps out constructions of national and ethnic identity across the contested terrain of the American Dream.

Steamflooding in the U.S.: A Status Report

Distinguished Author Series articles are general, descriptiverepresentations that summarize the state of the art in an area of technology bydescribing recent developments for readers who are not specialists in thetopics discussed. Written by individuals recognized as experts in the area, these articles provide key references to more definitive work and presentspecific details only to illustrate the technology. Purpose: to informthe general readership of recent advances in various areas of petroleumengineering. Summary This paper summarizes the history, current status, and future outlook ofsteamflooding in the U.S. The combination of increasingly restrictiveenvironmental regulations, the forecasted relatively low oil prices, anddeclining numbers of prices, and declining numbers of target reservoirs leadsto the conclusion that thermal EOR (TEOR) production in the U.S. has peaked. Future production will be affected more by production will be affected more byenvironmental constraints than by oil prices. Ongoing research to improveprices. Ongoing research to improve process technology could flatten theprocess technology could flatten the TEOR production decline. Historical Background Many experts would consider steamflooding a mature technology, even thoughit has really been practiced only since the early 1950's. It started in theU.S. with Shell Oil Co.'s steamdrive pilot in the Yorba Linda field inCalifornia in 1952 and later projects at Schoonebeek field in The Netherlandsand Tia Juana field in Venezuela. Fig. 1 (from Ref. 1) traces the short historyof steamflooding (compared with waterflooding as pressure maintenance). After arather slow pressure maintenance). After a rather slow experimental-phasestartup in the 1950's and early 1960's, when the industry had concentratedmostly on near-wellbore heating with downhole heaters and huff ‘n’ puffoperations. TEOR production spurted in the late 1960's. By then, the industryhad gained enough success from pilot testing and huff in' puff to makesignificant investments in steamflooding. Chevron U.S. A. Inc. began asignificant multipattern field test in the Kern River field in 1968. Themultiyear test was designed with two confined patterns, eight surroundingpatterns, and numerous observation wells to study the effects of heat and fluidmigration. This test provided important data for full-field expansion andlarge-scale operating problems; the observation-well data provided time-lapseinformation on the provided time-lapse information on the development of steamzones in the reservoir. The initial development of computersimulation modelswas reported in the early 1970's. Gomaa presented field-wide steamflood designand operating correlations based on symmetric pattern elements and uniformreservoir properties. These studies indicated a finite lifetime for steamfloodsand provided injection and production guidelines. Hongs reported criteria forconversion of steamflooding to waterflooding in the early 1980's. A waterfloodthat followed a steamflood was intended to scavenge injected heat and torecover additional oil for little added cost. These computer models providedcriteria based on production data-such provided criteria based on productiondata-such as oil/steam ratio (OSR), produced WOR, and average reservoirpressure-that could be used to estimate the optimum time for conversion towaterflood. In the early 1980's, major economic hurdles had been overcome, but not as aresult of any great technical breakthrough. World oil prices in 1979 allowedgreater flexibility, made more capital available, and accelerated anotherproduction growth spurt. During this optimistic period the California industryrapidly implemented new projects and expanded existing steamdrive operations. Projects were initiated with minimum background study and engineering design;in fact, some industry executives described such projects as "cash cows" because of the high income generated for low capital development costs. Mostforecasts predicted that heavy oil would be $50/bbl by the 1990's. During thisperiod steamflood reserves were added with existing injection wells by simplymoving uphole to flood the sands above the existing steamflood. Thus. highlyeconomical "vertical expansion" projects began. By 1986, steam stimulationprojects began. By 1986, steam stimulation and steamflooding technology were intheir teens and we, like most normal teenagers, "had all the answers." Fig. 1also shows the California OSRi.e., barrels of oil produced per barrels of steaminjected-for this growth period as more steamdrive projects were implemented. The declining OSR indicates the maturity of many of the best steamfloodprojects (implemented first) and the initiation of less desirable projects inlater years. During the early 1980's the need for efficiency was recognized butwas less critical; the price collapse of 1986 made it a major issue. ExcessOPEC production and pricing policies beginning in 1986 signaled pricingpolicies beginning in 1986 signaled a change in many of the basic assumptionsthat led to rapid growth in the early 1980's. Since 1986 the industry hasprioritized retrospective engineering analysis of field performance andcritically challenged performance and critically challenged operating costs andsteamflooding practices. We have looked again at the details of project design, production expectations, project implementation, and operating assumptions ofmany thermal recovery projects. This "field performance analysis," caused bythe price performance analysis," caused by the price collapse, indicates therelative immaturity of the process. We did not have all the answers. P. 548

Huelga, 1928 Style: The Imperial Valley Cantaloupe Workers' Strike

more spectacular conflicts in California's fields, the 1928 strike was a purely local affair, staged by Imperial Valley workers with little or no aid from outside organizations. It was broken easily, in part because of organizational weaknesses, but primarily through threats and force by the valley's growers and law enforcement officials. Nevertheless, the strike stands as an important event in California history. It was the first attempt at a major work-stoppage organized by Mexican farm workers in modern California. It is important to note that this attempt occurred nearly forty years before the current struggle in Delano and nearly fifteen years before the beginning of the formal bracero program. The strike of the Imperial cantaloupe workers in 1928 is part of a long and sometimes bitter heritage of conflict between Mexican agricultural workers and their employers in rural California.1 The basic economic and social conditions that caused the Imperial Valley strike already were well established in 1928, and the Delano Huelga indicates that these conditions still exist in California's fields.