Between 1957 and 1974, a small professional theater company in Washington, D.C. staged ninety Equity (union) productions and ten non-Equity shows, including ten world premieres, four American premieres, thirty Washington premieres, and works by sixty-four writers whose works had not been performed previously in the Washington region. The Washington Theater Club staged new works by several of the era’s leading English-language playwrights. The club also served as a proving ground for actors starting out their careers, including several who would come to dominate the American stage and screen. By the time the club closed, it had played a far more important role in the evolution of American regional theater than its diminutive size might suggest. Theater enthusiasts Hazel and John Wentworth opened the Washington Theater Club during the late 1950s. Hazel and John were hungry for innovative drama of a sort absent in Washington. They established their group to promote fresh dramatic forms, to present new ideas, and to support novice playwrights and their works. They nurtured a slightly bohemian tone, often presenting non-mainstream works. The Wentworths viewed their theater’s mission to rise above artistic achievement to embrace social activism. They sought to present quality productions performed and enjoyed by diverse casts and audiences outside the restrictions of Washington’s racial segregation of the period. From the beginning, the Club promoted Black theater and Black writers and artists. The club’s story also is one highlighting the destructive power of bureaucratic and political petty tutelage. Washington remained under the direct control of the U.S. Congress throughout this period. The commissioners and bureaucrats charged by Congress to run the city remained unaccountable to the city’s residents. In the end, a tax code unfavorable to cultural institutions undermined the club’s survivability. Various courts ruled against the Club, leaving the club with an expensive property tax bill that it could not cover. Bankers foreclosed on their loans. The rise and fall of the Washington Theater Club offers a cautionary tale of what can happen when a community’s fate is left in the hands of those who have little connection to it. This loss of accountability can breed oppression, servility, cruelty, and loathsome in its own way, idiocy.

Managing public theatre institutions in Nigeria is fraught with numerous challenges, ranging from political marginalisation to excessive bureaucratic interference. These interferences—often by multiple government arms and agencies—frequently result in the withholding of allocated funds, thereby undermining administrative efficiency. The National Theatre of Nigeria (NToN) exemplifies this dysfunction, struggling to meet its cultural and national mandates. This study critically examines the socio-political complexities involved in managing the NToN, with a specific focus on the leadership of Ahmed Yerima during his tenure as Director-General (2006–2009). Anchored in Downton’s theory of Transformational Leadership, the paper investigates Yerima’s leadership strategies and managerial style. Methodologically, it draws on data from in-depth interviews with Ahmed Yerima, focus group discussions with key stakeholders, and a review of relevant literature, all analysed using qualitative content analysis. Findings reveal that Yerima employed a transformational leadership approach characterised by professional consistency, strategic innovation, focused dynamism, and political diplomacy. These elements enabled him to mobilise a motivated and goal-oriented team, despite systemic challenges. The study concludes that Yerima’s leadership offers a replicable model for effective administration in Nigeria’s public cultural institutions, demonstrating that transformational leadership can reposition such agencies for socio-cultural and economic relevance, even within bureaucratically constrained environments.

ABSTRACT Amid the increasing bureaucratisation of Indian universities, this article examines the evolving pedagogical implications, including the challenges of syllabus design and the growing bureaucratic interference in classroom practices. Drawing on Edward Said's notion of humanism, it interrogates the concept of the ‘differentiated human’ – fragmented and discrete identities that lack common ground for meaningful dialogue, a phenomenon that is deeply embedded in the postcolonial Indian context. The article delves into the feasibility of a ‘humanist pedagogy’ by posing critical questions: Are the humanist agenda and the effort to foreground local identities inherently incompatible? Do they operate on fundamentally discrete and insular planes? Or is there a possibility of reconciling these two seemingly divergent projects? By addressing these issues, this paper explores the tensions and synergies between universalist humanist ideals and the specificity of localised identity politics.

In 2019, an estimated 5.2 million deaths were reported among children less than 5years of age. At primary healthcare level, healthcare workers (HCWs) mostly rely on history and clinical findings and less on inadequate diagnostic facilities. To enhance case management skills of HCWs, World Health Organization devised an integrated management of childhood illnesses (IMCI) strategy in 1995, modified to distance learning IMCI in 2014. A qualitative phenomenological study was conducted to explore perceptions of HCWs about standard and distance IMCI. Four focus group discussions were conducted with purposively selected 26 HCWs (IMCI trained) from 26 basic health units of Abbottabad district in Pakistan. Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutics were adopted during the inductive thematic analysis. Five themes that emerged are inexorable health seeking behaviors, IMCI being a comprehensive algorithm for consultation, a tedious protocol, scaling up protocol to specialists and private practitioners, and administrative insufficiency by the department of health. Improvement in case management skills of HCWs was reported as a result of IMCI trainings. It needs administrative support, regulations to control poly-pharmacy and provision of drugs without prescription, and a curb on political and bureaucratic interference.

A form of cooperation between the government and business entities in providing infrastructure for the public interest by referring to specifications previously determined by the government or parties representing the government officially, where some or all of it uses resources owned by the business entity, taking into account the distribution of risks between the parties involved in the collaboration [1]. Government cooperation with business entities for infrastructure development is outlined in the Build-Openrate and Transfer (BOT) model. The research method that the author uses in this research is normative juridical, namely research that examines written legal norms by referring to related legal provisions. The prospect of implementing BOT in Indonesia legally can be carried out based on freedom of contract and good faith, new regulations by the government, and the opening of Indonesia in the era of globalization to contracts that have been accepted internationally. Economically, BOT can support and facilitate development and business activities, whether carried out by individuals, companies, or the government. The obstacles encountered in implementing BOT include the inadequate substance of statutory regulations and law enforcement practices, including unsupportive jurisprudence. Convoluted bureaucratic interference in the process of building public facilities, as well as the long BOT period, which allows for changes in the parties involved in the BOT, creates doubts for parties who have no experience as BOT recipients.

The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts of 1992 represent a watershed moment in India's democratic journey, fundamentally altering the country's federal structure from a two-tier system to a robust three-tier framework. By granting constitutional status to Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and Urban Local Bodies (ULBs), these amendments sought to institutionalize grassroots democracy and promote decentralized planning. This research paper evaluates the historical necessity, structural provisions, and subsequent impact of these amendments on local self-governance. Through a detailed analysis of secondary data, the study explores how mandatory reservations for women, Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes have fostered political inclusivity. However, it also highlights persistent challenges, including fiscal dependency on state governments, bureaucratic interference, and the uneven devolution of powers. The paper concludes that while the legal framework for empowerment exists, real transformation depends on enhancing the functional and financial autonomy of local bodies to achieve true

The text considers various aspects of pedagogical reflections within the problematics, described and analysed as follows: (1) The future speeds up and surprises, also painfully, (2) Everyday experience as an enemy of the future, (3) How symbolic culture is functionning?, (4) On the possibility of appraisal of classics beyond the classicism, (5) On bureaucratic interference into a lively textual tissue, (6) Between conservative and liberal treating of traditions in culture, (7) Between social radicality and dialogic deconstruction of culture, (8) Illusions and traps of canonizations of cultural contents, (9) The conclusion: on cultural attitudes in didactics. The author discusses limits and paradoxes of imposing cultural canon within education perceived as initiation into culture. The latter is to be perceived as invisible environment constituting symbolic soil for the memory of signifiers which serve for self-expression, understanding of the Other and for creative autotranscendence and enrichment of the cultural patrimony for the next generations. The basic message of the text requests more profound educational perception and treatement of tradition in order to make it participate in influences becoming the energetic and symbolic background of cultural development at the same time critically revisited in order to meet the challenges of the future.

The paper is prefaced by the statement that a paternalistic state was not invented by anyone and is a result of an endogenous process of society development, at different phases of which the state can generate both positive and negative consequences. In this context, the paper justifies the fallacy of the state's decision to reorganize the Russian Academy of Sciences by escalating bureaucratic interference in scientific life — using scientometric management methods and introducing an "effective contract" that brought forth a "waterfall" of worthless articles and predatory journals. In order to eliminate "scientometric failure" the paper proposes recommendations on science reforming based on principally new view on the processes of knowledge production as a public good and its transformation into market products with an emphasis on one of the branches of this transformation — scientific articles publication. The theoretical result has served as a platform for the development of institutional modernization of the knowledge distribution system, according to which the authors for an appropriate fee may grant the right to use their scientific texts for publication in journals. The revenues of journals should come from two sources: the sale of journals at market prices consistent with the individual utility of publishing products, and a budget subsidy consistent with the social utility of journals' knowledge dissemination services. The implementation of this reform implies state funding of scientific journals and targeted subsidies to scientific libraries of universities and academic institutions to pay for subscriptions to major scientific journals.

Objectives: This study analyzes the rhetoric of “Korea’s steel king,” Tae-Joon Park (TJ Park), the founder of POSCO (formerly Pohang Iron and Steel Company), with a specific focus on TJ Park’s rhetorical style and strategy, through a close reading of two speeches: his inaugural address at POSCO in 1968 and his speech commemorating the 10th anniversary of POSCO in 1978. Methods: This study applied the work of Kenneth Burke because of the impact of rhetorical analysis on the field of business communication studies. Burke’s approach includes the five qualities that comprise the pentad (scene, act, agent, agency, and purpose). Herein, these concepts are used to analyze TJ Park’s speeches, followed by an examination of how the Burkean notion of identification works in his addresses. Results: The present study demonstrated the basic rhetorical strategies in business communication that have influenced developments in research methodology based on Kenneth Burke’s concepts of the pentad and identification. Burke’s dramatistic method for the analysis of Park’s corporate rhetoric enabled an analysis of the relationship among features of Park’s rhetoric in terms of the business rhetorical situation. Conclusions: With his rhetoric, TJ Park set the scene to encourage employee motivation for the upper hierarchy of values, promoted employees’ future acts, changed the workers’ mentality, habits, and behaviors and turned them into “POSCO men,” shielded the management of POSCO from bureaucratic interference and unreasonable political pressure, and sublimated the corporate mission to a “national duty” and “historical mission.” His unique rhetoric contributed to the success of his management.

During health emergencies such as the COVID-19 pandemic, healthcare workers face numerous ethical challenges while catering to the needs of patients in healthcare settings. Although the data recapitulating high-income countries ethics frameworks are available, the challenges faced by clinicians in resource-limited settings of low- and middle-income countries are not discussed widely due to a lack of baseline data or evidence. The Nepali healthcare system, which is chronically understaffed and underequipped, was severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic in its capacity to manage health services and resources for needy patients, leading to ethical dilemmas and challenges during clinical practice. This study aimed to develop a standard guideline that would address syndemic ethical dilemmas during clinical care of COVID-19 patients who are unable to afford standard-of-care. A mixed method study was conducted between February and June of 2021 in 12 government designated COVID-19 treatment hospitals in central Nepal. The draft guideline was discussed among the key stakeholders in the pandemic response in Nepal. The major ethical dilemmas confronted by the study participants (50 healthcare professionals providing patient care at COVID-19 treatment hospitals) could be grouped into five major pillars of ethical clinical practice: rational allocation of medical resources, updated treatment protocols that guide clinical decisions, standard-of-care regardless of patient's economic status, effective communication among stakeholders for prompt patient care, and external factors such as political and bureaucratic interference affecting ethical practice. This living clinical ethics guideline, which has been developed based on the local evidence and case stories of frontline responders, is expected to inform the policymakers as well as the decision-makers positioned at the concerned government units. These ethics guidelines could be endorsed with revisions by the concerned regulatory authorities for the use during consequent waves of COVID-19 and other epidemics that may occur in the future. Other countries affected by the pandemic could conduct similar studies to explore ethical practices in the local clinical and public health context.

The Philosophical ForumVolume 52, Issue 2 p. 101-101 EDITOR'S NOTE Philosophy and the Russian Universities Two Responses to Bureaucratic Interference Douglas Lackey, Douglas LackeySearch for more papers by this author Douglas Lackey, Douglas LackeySearch for more papers by this author First published: 16 May 2021 https://doi.org/10.1111/phil.12285Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume52, Issue2Summer 2021Pages 101-101 RelatedInformation

The intertwined themes that emerge from these passionately told narratives demonstrate how difficult it can be to navigate chronic pain. Many authors describe the labor of living in chronic pain, and several refer to their use of opioid medication as a tool to facilitate participation. The relationship between tolerance, dependence, and addiction is touched on in a handful of narratives, with some authors confronting-and seemingly internalizing-the stigma of addiction in seeking to regulate their opioid use. A related theme is the reduction of opioid medication; a few authors pronounce consensual tapering as beneficial, while others denounce non-consensual tapering as harmful. Most authors also assert their right to make pain management decisions without bureaucratic interference, suggesting that they and other chronic pain patients face reduced access to opioid prescriptions as a result of inappropriately applied governmental guidelines. As richly detailed and informative as these narratives are, they scarcely engage with the reality that chronic pain disproportionately burdens patients who are less privileged in terms of education, race, gender, and class.

During the 1970s and 1980s educational policy making in the province of British Columbia was fraught with interest group, bureaucratic, and political interference and accommodation of interests. This article examines significant legislative and policy initiatives including The Independent Schools Act , the Teaching Profession Act, the formation of the British Columbia College of Teachers , and educational inquiries such as the Apple Report, Grad 87 and Let’s Talk About Schools . Original documentation and in-depth interviews with high ranking government bureaucrats, a Minister of Education, and other policy actors provides insight into how and why educational policy was developed. The restraint program of the 1980’s is discussed along with changes to the labour code that gave teachers the right to strike.

Corporate Default with Chinese Characteristics

Generating the Right Institutional Environment for Ethical Behavior in University-Affiliated Institutions in India

Corruption and persistent informality: An empirical investigation for India

At least as far back as the reign of Tsar Nicholas I, Russia's state bureaucracy has been widely considered to be top-heavy, corrupt, inefficient and tyrannical. By the early twentieth century the real driving force of Russian history and society was neither the constitutional façade erected by the autocracy to stifle the revolution nor the subsequent Bolshevik seizure of power, but rather the growth of the state bureaucracy. Similarly, in the course of the twentieth century, analysts on both the left and the right came to view hyper-bureaucratic growth unchecked by democratic constraint as the major problem of Soviet society. Attempts to reduce bureaucratic interference in the economy of post-Soviet Russia have not resulted in positive change.

Informal Sector and Corruption: An Empirical Investigation for India

Introduction I think the Privacy Act is a huge edifice to protect the minority of things that could go wrong. I’ve got a good example for you, I’m just trying to think … yeah the worst one I’ve ever seen was the Balga Youth Program where we took these students on a reward excursion all the way to Fremantle and suddenly this very alienated kid started to jump under a bus, a moving bus so the kid had to be restrained. The cops from Fremantle arrived because all the very good people in Fremantle were alarmed at these grown-ups manhandling a kid and what had happened is that DCD [Department of Community Development] had dropped him into the program but hadn’t told us that this kid had suicide tendencies. No, it’s just chronically bad. And there were caseworkers involved and … there is some information that we have to have that doesn’t get handed down. Rather than a blanket rule that everything’s confidential coming from them to us, and that was a real live situation, and you imagine how we’re trying to handle it, we had taxis going from Balga to Fremantle to get staff involved and we only had to know what to watch out for and we probably could have … well what you would have done is not gone on the excursion I suppose (School Principal, quoted in Balnaves and Luca 49). These comments are from a school principal in Perth, Western Australia in a school that is concerned with “at-risk” students, and in a context where the Commonwealth Privacy Act 1988 has imposed limitations on their work. Under this Act it is illegal to pass health, personal or sensitive information concerning an individual on to other people. In the story cited above the Department of Community Development personnel were apparently protecting the student’s “negative right”, that is, “freedom from” interference by others. On the other hand, the principal’s assertion that such information should be shared is potentially a “positive right” because it could cause something to be done in that person’s or society’s interests. Balnaves and Luca noted that positive and negative rights have complex philosophical underpinnings, and they inform much of how we operate in everyday life and of the dilemmas that arise (49). For example, a ban on euthanasia or the “assisted suicide” of a terminally ill person can be a “positive right” because it is considered to be in the best interests of society in general. However, physicians who tacitly approve a patient’s right to end their lives with a lethal dose by legally prescribed dose of medication could be perceived as protecting the patient’s “negative right” as a “freedom from” interference by others. While acknowledging the merits of collaboration between people who are working to improve the wellbeing of students “at-risk”, this paper examines some of the barriers to collaboration. Based on both primary and secondary sources, and particularly on oral testimonies, the paper highlights the tension between privacy as a negative right and collaborative helping as a positive right. It also points to other difficulties and dilemmas within and between the institutions engaged in this joint undertaking. The authors acknowledge Michel Foucault’s contention that discourse is power. The discourse on privacy and the sharing of information in modern societies suggests that privacy is a negative right that gives freedom from bureaucratic interference and protects the individual. However, arguably, collaboration between agencies that are working to support individuals “at-risk” requires a measured relaxation of the requirements of this negative right. Children and young people “at-risk” are a case in point. Towards Collaboration From a series of interviews conducted in 2004, the school authorities at Balga Senior High School and Midvale Primary School, people working for the Western Australian departments of Community Development, Justice, and Education and Training in Western Australia, and academics at the Edith Cowan and Curtin universities, who are working to improve the wellbeing of students “at-risk” as part of an Australian Research Council (ARC) project called Smart Communities, have identified students “at-risk” as individuals who have behavioural problems and little motivation, who are alienated and possibly violent or angry, who under-perform in the classroom and have begun to truant. They noted also that students “at-risk” often suffer from poor health, lack of food and medication, are victims of unwanted pregnancies, and are engaged in antisocial and illegal behaviour such as stealing cars and substance abuse. These students are also often subject to domestic violence (parents on drugs or alcohol), family separation, and homelessness. Some are depressed or suicidal. Sometimes cultural factors contribute to students being regarded as “at-risk”. For example, a social worker in the Smart Communities project stated: Cultural factors sometimes come into that as well … like with some Muslim families … they can flog their daughter or their son, usually the daughter … so cultural factors can create a risk. Research elsewhere has revealed that those children between the ages of 11-17 who have been subjected to bullying at school or physical or sexual abuse at home and who have threatened and/or harmed another person or suicidal are “high-risk” youths (Farmer 4). In an attempt to bring about a positive change in these alienated or “at-risk” adolescents, Balga Senior High School has developed several programs such as the Youth Parents Program, Swan Nyunger Sports Education program, Intensive English Centre, and lower secondary mainstream program. The Midvale Primary School has provided services such as counsellors, Aboriginal child protection workers, and Aboriginal police liaison officers for these “at-risk” students. On the other hand, the Department of Community Development (DCD) has provided services to parents and caregivers for children up to 18 years. Academics from Edith Cowan and Curtin universities are engaged in gathering the life stories of these “at-risk” students. One aspect of this research entails the students writing their life stories in a secured web portal that the universities have developed. The researchers believe that by engaging the students in these self-exploration activities, they (the students) would develop a more hopeful outlook on life. Though all agencies and educational institutions involved in this collaborative project are working for the well-being of the children “at-risk”, the Privacy Act forbids the authorities from sharing information about them. A school psychologist expressed concern over the Privacy Act: When the Juvenile Justice Department want to reintroduce a student into a school, we can’t find out anything about this student so we can’t do any preplanning. They want to give the student a fresh start, so there’s always that tension … eventually everyone overcomes [this] because you realise that the student has to come to the school and has to be engaged. Of course, the manner and consequences of a student’s engagement in school cannot be predicted. In the scenario described above students may have been given a fair chance to reform themselves, which is their positive right but if they turn out to be at “high risk” it would appear that the Juvenile Department protected the negative right of the students by supporting “freedom from” interference by others. Likewise, a school health nurse in the project considered confidentiality or the Privacy Act an important factor in the security of the student “at-risk”: I was trying to think about this kid who’s one of the children who has been sexually abused, who’s a client of DCD, and I guess if police got involved there and wanted to know details and DCD didn’t want to give that information out then I’d guess I’d say to the police “Well no, you’ll have to talk to the parents about getting further information.” I guess that way, recognising these students are minor and that they are very vulnerable, their information … where it’s going, where is it leading? Who wants to know? Where will it be stored? What will be the outcomes in the future for this kid? As a 14 year old, if they’re reckless and get into things, you know, do they get a black record against them by the time they’re 19? What will that information be used for if it’s disclosed? So I guess I become an advocate for the student in that way? Thus the nurse considers a sexually abused child should not be identified. It is a positive right in the interest of the person. Once again, though, if the student turns out to be at “high risk” or suicidal, then it would appear that the nurse was protecting the youth’s negative right—“freedom from” interference by others. Since collaboration is a positive right and aims at the students’ welfare, the workable solution to prevent the students from suicide would be to develop inter-agency trust and to share vital information about “high-risk” students. Dilemmas of Collaboration Some recent cases of the deaths of young non-Caucasian girls in Western countries, either because of the implications of the Privacy Act or due to a lack of efficient and effective communication and coordination amongst agencies, have raised debates on effective child protection. For example, the British Laming report (2003) found that Victoria Climbié, a young African girl, was sent by her parents to her aunt in Britain in order to obtain a good education and was murdered by her aunt and aunt’s boyfriend. However, the risk that she could be harmed was widely known. The girl’s problems were known to 6 local authorities, 3 housing authorities, 4 social services, 2 child protection teams, and the police, the local church, and the hospital, but not to the education authorities. According to the Laming Report, her death could have been prevented if there had been inter-agency sharing of information

The District Poverty Initiatives Project (DPIP) in India was launched in a few states in recent years with a view to ensuring that the most disadvantaged or the poorest have a central role in the design and implementation of subprojects vital to their livelihoods. An elaborate organisational structure at the state, district and village levels was created to give local needs and priorities due attention. Since the most disadvantaged lack awareness of various options and organisational skills, capacity-building of common interest groups is a key strategic element of the DPIP. Another key element is the attitudinal and behavioural transformation of various stakeholders—especially bureaucrats and elected representatives at the village level—through sensitisation programmes. That these innovations may make a difference to the lives of the most disadvantaged cannot be ruled out. However, some risks of so-called community or demand-driven initiatives must not be overlooked, including bureaucratic control and interference at the state and district levels that could result in supply side distortions, and panchayats (councils) at the village level that could cater to the interests of the local power structure, and common interest groups that could exclude the poorest. Unless the poorest have the collective strength to affirm their interests, they are not likely to benefit much from the DPIP.