Bronze Age Mesopotamia Research Articles

14,000 Years Old Atlas of Heaven and Earth: Andean Panel in Inca Sun Temple of South America and Its Root in Paleolithic East Asia

New findings indicated that the Andean panel in the Inca Sun Temple was a relic of an ancient drawing now dated 13,000–15,000 years old. The drawing was an Atlas of Heaven and Earth that contained astronomy, geography, weathering, calendars, and a stratified society. The atlas was seamlessly integrated with dualistic cosmology, religion, ideology, and philosophy. The atlas contained the “Five Divine Stars” of the Sun, the Moon, Rising Venus, Setting Venus, and Polar Star Vega in 12,000 BC. Its “Four Sacred Asterisms” on the ecliptic were the southern Bird, the northern Snake/Turtle, the western Big Cat, and the eastern Dragon. Since the atlas was created, the North Pole has turned 180 degrees on the circle of precession. In the east, there were mountains, monsoon, and thunder. In the west, an easterly running river drained a lake or lagoon into the sea. The atlas had several metaphors. Examples were Genesis of Seven Days Creation, Life Cycles, Andean Cross, later Mayan Eight-Sided Cross, and Chinese Yin Yang Eight Gua. Heaven was round, Earth was square, and the stratification of mankind was a mandate of the Creator. The two calendars had 13 months and four seasons. One of them was a Sidereal calendar with 365 days a year and used Antares for the start of a year and conjunctions with the moon. The other Solar Lunar Calendar had three Leap “Back” Months for alignment with the solar circle. Fu Xi (ca 5,324 BC) composed Chinese dualistic religion presumably based on its drawing. Its contents were also found in China, Japan, Korea, Incans, Mayans, etc., and to some degree in Bronze Age Mesopotamia, India, and Egypt. Its birthplace was assumed to be Paleolithic East Asia, but its exact location was unknown.

Combining social sciences, geoscience and archaeology to understand societal collapse

Despite its apparently obvious conclusion that adverse environmental conditions must produce economic and institutional crises, the “collapse archaeology” literature has been criticized for its lack of a formal theory, a credible measurement strategy and a proper understanding of the roles of environmental shocks. To tackle this issue, we propose to combine a time inconsistency theory of state formation and evolution—i.e., state-building, institutional proxies based on this model and highly granular simulated climate data. To clarify our proposal, we apply it to the study of state-building in Bronze Age Mesopotamia, and we show that moderate droughts shaped these economies directly via deteriorated production conditions as well as indirectly via institutional resilience.

Phytolith evidence for the pastoral origins of multi-cropping in Mesopotamia (ancient Iraq)

Multi-cropping was vital for provisioning large population centers across ancient Eurasia. In Southwest Asia, multi-cropping, in which grain, fodder, or forage could be reliably cultivated during dry summer months, only became possible with the translocation of summer grains, like millet, from Africa and East Asia. Despite some textual sources suggesting millet cultivation as early as the third millennium BCE, the absence of robust archaeobotanical evidence for millet in semi-arid Mesopotamia (ancient Iraq) has led most archaeologists to conclude that millet was only grown in the region after the mid-first millennium BCE introduction of massive, state-sponsored irrigation systems. Here, we present the earliest micro-botanical evidence of the summer grain broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum) in Mesopotamia, identified using phytoliths in dung-rich sediments from Khani Masi, a mid-second millennium BCE site located in northern Iraq. Taphonomic factors associated with the region’s agro-pastoral systems have likely made millet challenging to recognize using conventional macrobotanical analyses, and millet may therefore have been more widespread and cultivated much earlier in Mesopotamia than is currently recognized. The evidence for pastoral-related multi-cropping in Bronze Age Mesopotamia provides an antecedent to first millennium BCE agricultural intensification and ties Mesopotamia into our rapidly evolving understanding of early Eurasian food globalization.

Ancestral Dravidian languages in Indus Civilization: ultraconserved Dravidian tooth-word reveals deep linguistic ancestry and supports genetics

Ever since the discovery of Indus valley civilization, scholars have debated the linguistic identities of its people. This study analyzes numerous archaeological, linguistic, archaeogenetic and historical evidences to claim that the words used for elephant (like, ‘pīri’, ‘pīru’) in Bronze Age Mesopotamia, the elephant-word used in the Hurrian part of an Amarna letter of ca. 1400 BC, and the ivory-word (‘pîruš’) recorded in certain sixth century BC Old Persian documents, were all originally borrowed from ‘pīlu’, a Proto-Dravidian elephant-word, which was prevalent in the Indus valley civilization, and was etymologically related to the Proto-Dravidian tooth-word ‘*pal’ and its alternate forms (‘*pīl’/‘*piḷ’/‘*pel’). This paper argues that there is sufficient morphophonemic evidence of an ancient Dravidian ‘*piḷ’/‘*pīl’-based root, which meant ‘splitting/crushing’, and was semantically related to the meanings ‘tooth/tusk’. This paper further observes that ‘pīlu’ is among the most ancient and common phytonyms of the toothbrush tree Salvadora persica, which is a characteristic flora of Indus valley, and whose roots and twigs have been widely used as toothbrush in IVC regions since antiquity. This study claims that this phytonym ‘pīlu’ had also originated from the same Proto-Dravidian tooth-word, and argues that since IVC people had named their toothbrush trees and tuskers (elephants) using a Proto-Dravidian tooth-word, and since these names were widely used across IVC regions, a significant population of Indus valley civilization must have used that Proto-Dravidian tooth-word in their daily communication. Since ‘tooth’ belongs to the core non-borrowable ultraconserved vocabulary of a speech community, its corollary is that a significant population of IVC spoke certain ancestral Dravidian languages. Important insights from recent archaeogenetic studies regarding possible migration of Proto-Dravidian speakers from Indus valley to South India also corroborate the findings of this paper.

Climate change and state evolution

Despite the vast evidence on the short-run effects of adverse climate shocks on the economy, our understanding of their long-run impact on institutions is limited. To tackle such a key issue, a vast body of research has focused on ancient societies because of the limited complexity of their economies and their unparalleled experience with environmental and institutional change. Notably, the “collapse archaeology” literature has reported countless correlations consistent with the mantra that severe droughts are bound to trigger institutional crises. This conclusion, however, has been recently challenged by a stream of papers that, building on more detailed data on Bronze Age Mesopotamia and a more credible theory-based empirical strategy, have yielded the following two results. First, severe droughts pushed the elites to grant strong political and property rights to the nonelites to convince them that a sufficient part of the returns on joint investments would be shared via public good provision and, thus, to cooperate and accumulate a culture of cooperation. Second, a more favorable climate allowed the elites to elicit cooperation under less inclusive political regimes as well as a weaker culture of cooperation and, possibly, incomplete property rights. These patterns emphasize the importance of considering the asymmetric effect of droughts and, more generally, combining natural and social sciences for the evaluation of climate-related policies.

The Economic and Institutional Determinants of Trade Expansion in Bronze Age Mesopotamia

The focus of archaeologists on reconstructing exchange and communication networks in the past resulted in the enormous improvement of methods for analyzing material flows and detecting trade routes. However, our understanding of the determinants of trade patterns over time and space is still limited. To help tackle this issue, we study through regression analysis the rich economic and institutional experience of Bronze Age Mesopotamia. Our testable predictions originate from three main economic theories of trade expansion. First, because of trade costs, mutually beneficial exchanges are discouraged by distance and encouraged by the relative size of markets. Second, trade expands when more suitable farming conditions in neighboring polities allow consumption risk-sharing. Finally, trade develops when interlocking exchange circuits ease the canalization of goods from the outside by providing secure routes, a more certain resolution of legal disputes and credit provision. Ordinary Least Squares—OLS—estimates based on data on 44 major Mesopotamian polities observed for each half-century between 3050 and 1750 BCE are consistent with these predictions. Our approach provides a credible theory-based empirical strategy for integrating archaeological, environmental, and historical data and calls for a tighter interdisciplinary cooperation.

The origins of the state: technology, cooperation and institutions

AbstractWe develop a theory of state formation shedding light on the rise of the first stable state institutions in Bronze Age Mesopotamia. Our analysis suggests that the mix of adverse production conditions and unforeseen innovations pushed groups favored by old technologies to establish the state by granting political and property rights to powerless individuals endowed with new and complementary skills. Through these reforms, the elite convinced the nonelite that a sufficient part of the returns on joint investments would be shared via public spending and, thus, to cooperate and accumulate a culture of cooperation. Different from the main alternative theories, we stress that: (1) group formation is heavily shaped by unforeseen shocks to the returns on both risk-sharing and innovation; (2) complementarity in group-specific skills, and not violence, is key determinant of state formation; (3) military, merchant and, especially, religious ranks favored state formation and culture accumulation.

The Construction of Women’s Identities through Commemorative Objects in Bronze Age Mesopotamia

AbstractThis article focuses on female devotees and divine beneficiaries in Early Mesopotamia, analyzing the nearly 600 known objects dating to the third and second millennia BCE and dedicated by non-royals to the gods, in order to memorialize themselves and others. It seeks to track patterns of gendering objects, namely through the lens of female identities. Such patterns include the relationship between female devotees, goddesses, and particular object types, such as female genitalia. In addition, by taking an intersectional approach to women’s identities, we demonstrate that factors such as status complicate the overarching patterns in object choice. Certain elite women, for example, dedicated mace-heads – normally a male-coded object – to the gods. Commemorative objects dedicated by private individuals thus comprise a crucial data set for not only examining religious belief and practice across Mesopotamia, but also the particular ways in which dedicatory practice represented female identities and commemorated individual women.

Proto-Dravidian Languages in Indus Valley Civilization: An Ultraconserved Tooth-word Reveals Deep Linguistic Ancestry, Supports Genetics

Ever since the discovery of Indus valley civilization, scholars have debated the linguistic identities of its people. This study analyzes numerous archaeological, linguistic, archaeogenetic and historical evidences to claim that the words used for elephant (like, ‘pīri’, ‘pīru’) in Bronze Age Mesopotamia, the elephant-word used in the Hurrian part of an Amarna letter of ca. 1400 BC, and the ivory-word (‘pirus’) recorded in certain sixth century BC Old Persian documents, were all originally borrowed from ‘pīlu’, a Proto-Dravidian elephant-word, which was prevalent in the Indus valley civilization, and was etymologically related to the Proto-Dravidian tooth-word ‘*pal’ and its alternate forms (‘*pīl’/‘*piḷ’/‘*pel’). This paper argues that there is sufficient morphophonemic evidence of an ancient Dravidian ‘*piḷ’/‘*pīl’-based root, which meant ‘splitting/crushing’, and was semantically related to the meanings ‘tooth/tusk’. This paper further observes that ‘pīlu’ is among the most ancient and common phytonyms of the toothbrush tree Salvadora persica, which is a characteristic flora of Indus valley, and whose roots and twigs have been widely used as toothbrush in IVC regions since antiquity. This study claims that this phytonym ‘pīlu’ had also originated from the same Proto-Dravidian tooth-word, and argues that since IVC people had named their toothbrush trees and tuskers (elephants) using a Proto-Dravidian tooth-word, and since these names were widely used across IVC regions, a significant population of Indus valley civilization must have used that Proto-Dravidian tooth-word in their daily communication. Since ‘tooth’ belongs to the core non-borrowable ultraconserved vocabulary of a speech community, its corollary is that a significant population of IVC spoke certain ancestral Dravidian languages. Important insights from recent archaeogenetic studies regarding possible migration of Proto-Dravidian speakers from Indus valley to South India also corroborate the findings of this paper.

The Origins of the State: Technology, Cooperation and Institutions

espite the vast evidence on the economic relevance of the state's institutional capacity to provide public goods and incentivize risk-sharing and innovation, we lack an organic and empirically sound theory of its origins. To help fill this gap, we develop a theory of state formation shedding light on the rise of the first stable state institutions in Bronze Age Mesopotamia. Our analysis suggests that the mix of adverse production conditions and unforeseen innovations pushed groups favored by old technologies to establish the state by granting political and property rights to powerless individuals endowed with new and complementary skills. Through these reforms, the elite convinced the nonelite that a sufficient part of the returns on joint investments would be shared via public spending and, thus, to cooperate and accumulate a culture of cooperation. Different from alternative theories, we stress that: 1) group formation is heavily shaped by unforeseen shocks to the returns on risk-sharing and innovation; 2) complementarity in group-specific skills is key determinant of state formation; 3) military, merchant and, especially, religious ranks favored reforms towards stronger nonelites' rights and the spread of a culture of cooperation; 4) access to violence is not a crucial institutional engine.

Climate Change and State Evolution

Despite the vast evidence on the short run effects of adverse climate shocks on the economy, our understanding of their long run impact on institutions is limited. To tackle such a key issue, a vast body of research has focused on ancient societies because of the limited complexity of their economies and their unparalleled experience with environmental and institutional change. Notably, the “Collapse Archaeology” literature has reported countless correlations consistent with the mantra that severe droughts are bound to trigger institutional crises. This conclusion, however, has been recently challenged by a stream of papers that, building on more detailed data on Bronze Age Mesopotamia and a more credible theory-based empirical strategy, have yielded two novel results. First, severe droughts pushed the elites to grant strong political and property rights to the nonelites to convince them that a sufficient part of the returns on joint investments would be shared via public good provision and, thus, to cooperate and accumulate a culture of cooperation. Second, a more favorable climate allowed the elites to elicit cooperation under less inclusive political regimes as well as a weaker culture of cooperation and, possibly, incomplete property rights. These patterns emphasize the importance of considering the asymmetric effect of droughts and, more generally, combining natural and social sciences for the evaluation of climate-related policies.

‘Buckle up and Fasten that Belt!’. Metal Belts in the Early and Middle Bronze Age

Among the many finds recovered from Tell el-Dabʿa are five decorated metal sheets, or belts, that were most probably originally sewn onto a piece of leather or textile. Such metal belts are a very special feature attested for the first time in Early Bronze Age Mesopotamia. Their occurrence in the archaeological record is limited to tombs that featured several significant finds, including weapons, in their inventory. The grave goods highlight the importance, status and wealth of the interred deceased. The design of metal belts within the distribution area in the Middle Bronze Age is very similar; the decoration, if any, is composed of differing arrangements of concentric circles of varying sizes. According to some Northern Levantine and Anatolian metal figurines, the belts were worn around the waist and buckled at the front. Metal belts were still worn in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages, as attested by statues and actual finds.1 The following article adds to a number of publications on metal belts,2 collecting all known attestations dating up to the end of the Middle Bronze Age. The aim of this paper is to determine their distribution range and elucidate their contexts to mirror networks of people sharing a similar cultural background and ancient trade connections. In addition to the elongated metal belts known from Tell el-Dabʿa, possible parts of belts, such as discs and belt fasteners, are also presented in the scope of this article.

‘Buckle up and Fasten that Belt!’. Metal Belts in the Early and Middle Bronze Age

Among the many finds recovered from Tell el-Dabʿa are five decorated metal sheets, or belts, that were most probably originally sewn onto a piece of leather or textile. Such metal belts are a very special feature attested for the first time in Early Bronze Age Mesopotamia. Their occurrence in the archaeological record is limited to tombs that featured several significant finds, including weapons, in their inventory. The grave goods highlight the importance, status and wealth of the interred deceased. The design of metal belts within the distribution area in the Middle Bronze Age is very similar; the decoration, if any, is composed of differing arrangements of concentric circles of varying sizes. According to some Northern Levantine and Anatolian metal figurines, the belts were worn around the waist and buckled at the front. Metal belts were still worn in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages, as attested by statues and actual finds.1 The following article adds to a number of publications on metal belts,2 collecting all known attestations dating up to the end of the Middle Bronze Age. The aim of this paper is to determine their distribution range and elucidate their contexts to mirror networks of people sharing a similar cultural background and ancient trade connections. In addition to the elongated metal belts known from Tell el-Dabʿa, possible parts of belts, such as discs and belt fasteners, are also presented in the scope of this article.

Piracy, Pillage and Plunder in Antiquity: Appropriation and the Ancient World (Routledge Monographs in Classical Studies) ed. by R.J. Evans, M. De Marre

Reviewed by: Piracy, Pillage and Plunder in Antiquity: Appropriation and the Ancient World (Routledge Monographs in Classical Studies) ed. by R.J. Evans, M. De Marre Richard Alston Evans, R.J. and De Marre, M. (edd.) 2020. Piracy, Pillage and Plunder in Antiquity: Appropriation and the Ancient World (Routledge Monographs in Classical Studies). London and New York: Routledge. Pp. xiv + 245. ISBN 978-1-138-34100-5. £115.00. The focus of this collection is elusive. I began with Clifford Ando's introduction (pp. 1-8) and Seth Richardson's essay on Middle Bronze Age Mesopotamia (pp. 9-26) and thought that the book was about bandits and, potentially, pirates. Matthew Trundle (pp. 27-37) provides an essay on mercenary service and Athenian state structures before Richard Evans's treatment of [End Page 268] state finances and raiding with a focus on Syracuse (pp. 38-59). Alex McAuley (pp. 60-83) shifts attention to Seleucid colonisation and issues of identity. Roman Roth's argument follows (pp. 84-96), focusing on coastal colonies as manifestations of Roman naval power and policy. He suggests that pirates lurked in the colonial walls. Aaron Beek (pp. 97-114) considers Rome's habit of calling its enemies 'pirates', seeing them more as mercenaries. This is followed by Stephen Harrison's paper on Tibullus (pp. 115-28), which transitions the volume to a more literary focus, with John Hilton's paper on the rebellious boukoloi in Leucippe and Clitophon (pp. 129-44) and Martine de Marre's consideration of the female Circumcellions, who are in the tradition of morally bad, rural and poor heretics (pp. 145-69). The volume finishes with two papers on reception topics. The first from Eve MacDonald and Sandra Bingham (pp. 170-84) points to tropes of piracy which came to justify imperial expansion in modern North Africa and finally comes Liliana Carrick-Tappeiner's consideration of Classical motifs in the hyper-masculine King Solomon's Mines (pp. 185-202). This shifting focus reflects an essential slipperiness of the subject. The terms 'pirate' or 'bandit' are often applied in modernity and antiquity, but rarely after a carefully consideration of the sociological and political characteristics of the individual or group so labelled. Such terminology is descriptive and invective. One who called Domitian a latro (Plin. Ep. 1.12; Suet. Dom. 12), could not plausibly have been claiming that the Roman emperor conformed to the same sociological categories as the Cilician bandits or the Cretan pirates. But if invective is in play, are we looking principally at elite social discourses tarring the socially and politically marginal with a label reinforcing their externality? For historians of antiquity, the problem is worsened by linguistic issues. Inevitably, we are translating 'bandit' or 'pirate' across multiple languages, sociological settings and moralizing practices. Can the supposed roaming bands of heretics in North Africa be meaningfully compared with Hellenistic mercenaries or Bronze Age herders? Is there anything that connects other than a translated word? Within the comparative historical and anthropological literatures, the category of bandit is not particularly homogeneous. Ando's introductory survey goes back to Brent D. Shaw's work, mostly from the 1980s and 1990s.5 Shaw wrestled with this definitional problem, particularly in his long article on 'Bandits in the Roman Empire', which collated a multiplicity of reports of bandit activity. Lurking behind Shaw's engagement was a cross-disciplinary initiative, 'bandit studies' which drew inspiration from the pioneering work [End Page 269] of Eric Hobsbawm (not in the bibliography here). Hobsbawm invented the terminology of the 'social bandit' drawing on an experience of near contemporary banditry as a form of armed resistance.6 Bandit studies looked to recuperate the stories of low-level, low-class resistance as evidence for mostly agrarian social conflict. For Marxist-inspired historians, the bandit, or the primitive rebel, offered evidence of class struggle before modern political ideology. But as Hobsbawm well knew, the social bandit was not a straightforward figure. In places, the social bandit was mythologized and romanticized. Robin Goodfellow became a very bourgeois bandit in Romantic and modern receptions. In the Mediterranean, the klephts, armatoles, and pallikari of the nineteenth-century Balkans metamorphosed into nationalistic icons, defenders of anti...

The Cupbearer and the Cult-Priest in the Temple: External and Internal Cultic Practitioners in Early Bronze Age Mesopotamia

The Cupbearer and the Cult-Priest in the Temple: External and Internal Cultic Practitioners in Early Bronze Age Mesopotamia

Ethnic and Class Clustering through the Ages: A Transdisciplinary Approach to Urban Neighbourhood Social Patterns

This paper presents initial findings from longer-term transdisciplinary research concerning the social dynamics of urban neighbourhoods. It examines the spatial clustering of ethnicity and class in neighbourhoods over urban history, from Bronze Age Mesopotamia to contemporary cities. Fourteen distinct drivers of social clustering are identified, grouped under the headers of macro-structural forces, the state, local regimes and institutions, and bottom–up processes. The operation of these processes is examined through three historical and three archaeological case studies of clustering. It is concluded that: clustering is a common, but not universal, attribute of cities; there is much variation in clustering patterns, both within and between cities and urban traditions; and, consideration of a wide variety of drivers is required to understand historical and modern residential dynamics.