British Solomon Islands Protectorate Research Articles

Jack London's “Mauki” and the Colonial Pacific

Jack London's “Mauki” and the Colonial Pacific

(Re)constructing Tropical Architecture in Solomon Islands

Reiterating conversations with my father, this paper retrieves a little known trajectory of tropical architecture to the Pacific and brings to light a Nigerian lineage to tropical modern buildings in Honiara, Solomon Islands. My father worked as an architect in the Public Works Department in 1950s Lagos, Nigeria, and 1960s Honiara, in the then British Solomon Islands Protectorate. The paper furthermore explores the agency of oral history in forming a nuanced narrative of modern architecture through the juxtaposition of the two different types of discourses: the discourse on tropical architecture, as reflected by my father's perspectives; and a postcolonial reading of colonial-modern architecture, as reflected by myself as the interviewer. The combination of these differing frameworks prompts a rich and nuanced reading of the buildings in Honiara. This oral history affirms tropical architecture's emphasis on climatic and technical factors as an intrinsic aspect of the colonial outlook of that time, while demonstrating that its political entanglements with colonialism and modernisation can only now be exposed through contemporary postcolonial perspectives: a frame which – in this paper – aligns more closely with the discourse of colonial-modern architecture. Finally, the paper explores – through my own filmmaking – the dialogical relationship between oral history and material evidence, thus exposing the contingent nature of colonial legacies and postcolonial realities present in tropical architecture in Solomon Islands.

To not reinstate the past:

Most interpretations stress a qualitative shift in colonial policy at the end of World War II, reflecting a major reorientation of outlook towards development, welfare and ultimately independence. There are, however, continuities before and after the war that call for a shift of emphasis. Because the British Solomon Islands Protectorate is conventionally represented as an extreme case of backwardness and severity before the war, it should present the putative contrast sharply. On the contrary, the pre-war administration field staff had aspirations for a more progressive regime, but these were thwarted by the protectorate's poverty and were shelved by the eruption of the war. The war-time destruction prompted administrators to consider afresh the problems of colonial development, coinciding with Colonial Office demands for post-war development submissions. Proposals proved too ambitious for the limited imperial purse, but even the attenuated plans proved unrealistic given the acute shortages of material and human resources. Thus, while ‘post-war thinking’ began well before the war, the era of ‘post-war development’ could not properly begin until several years after the end of the war.

Trevor Clark. Good Second Class: Memories of a Generalist Overseas Administrator. Stanhope, U.K.: The Memoir Club, 2004. xiv + 303 pp. Photographs. Map. £17:50. Cloth.

Trevor Clark. Good Second Class: Memories of a Generalist Overseas Administrator. Stanhope, U.K.: The Memoir Club, 2004. xiv + 303 pp. Photographs. Map. £17:50. Cloth. Having recently reviewed for this journal Trevor Clark's excellent compendium, The Last Generation of Nigeria's Tarawa (Bristol, 2002), I was keen to cast an eye over memoirs. I relaxed and dug in, expecting a bright and breezy romp. It turned out to be anything but. Indeed, it was hard and heavy going and required two attentive readings. Having been buffeted in the course of my first reading by a curious, heavily congested, quasi-telegraphic, almost shorthand style, albeit packed with informative detail, I was baffled. Then gradually the light dawned. Clark had produced what in fact he had been doing with great efficiency and economy all working life as a colonial administrator: an extended, if in this instance somewhat randomly organized, minute. Having deduced this, translated the vast assortment of acronyms and shorthand identities, and then pondered the meanings to be derived the content, I had a second go. This time I fared better. What now was revealed was a fascinating tale that provides an honest and penetrating account detailing much more than the mere activities (exhaustive and exhausting as these were) of a skilled, dedicated, and loyal administrator who served in three of Britain's last-remaining colonial possessions: Northern Nigeria, Hong Kong, and the British Solomon Islands Protectorate. Clark is of that not-so-small band of committed improvers who sought to bring a glimmer of light into the darker reaches of colonial administration. That this was not always appreciated by superiors in the field and in Whitehall, particularly during this downbeat period of colonial disengagement, is amply demonstrated. Still, distressing and depressing as, inevitably, Clark's tale is, tenacious hold on practical, commonsense human values, caring, humor, and determination to maintain these values and this outlook when confronted with bleak prospects and unrelenting pressure from above do credit not only to Clark, but indeed to the best of that common heritage left by Britain's colonial civil servants. Clark cared for his people, and he worked skillfully and incredibly hard for them. The problem was that time had moved on. All too often what superiors, under hasty, often ill-informed, and politically motivated orders Whitehall, required of him was-not to put too fine a point on it-two-timing, misrepresentation, and betrayal. Clark had to swallow hard to comply with these orders. And before doing so he often spoke mind to the superior concerned. This did not make him popular with the local colonial establishments. In Northern Nigeria, where he served for twelve years (1948-60), this apparently resulted in banishment the Kaduna secretariat after, among other things, he gave some frank, unprejudiced advice to the latter's Whitehall replacement, Gawain-Bell, whose job was to get the North to accept independence, by whatever means. …

'The grievous mistakes of the Vanikoro concession': The Vanikoro Kauri Timber Company, Solomon Islands, 1926-1964

Abstract The British Solomon Islands Protectorate government, in the 1910s, encouraged logging operations on Vanikolo in order to diversify the economy and extend government control in the easternmost islands. The Vanikoro Timber Company began operations in 1926 without any reforestation clause included in its licence. Problems with the assessment of royalties on trees felled in the 1930s drew the attention of the Colonial Office to this. Little could be done to change the original agreement, but the British administration halted any major extension of logging until a Forestry Department could oversee a sustainable extraction regime, including reforestation, in the 1960s. The logging company, working under difficult conditions in an isolated area, was never a financial success and finally closed in 1964 when cheaper timbers became readily available on the Australian market. The Vanikolo people remained ambivalent towards the company, valuing its presence as a pathway to the wider world, but often resisting extension of its demands on the island's resources.

Decreed affinities: Nationhood and the western Solomon Islands

Among the many consequences of colonisation in the Pacific were the twin processes of conjunction and separation of indigenous societies following the establishment of colonial boundaries. In the Solomon Islands, both occurred. Particularly in the northwest, earlier connections were reduced (although not eliminated) following the establishment of the British‐German boundary between the British Solomon Islands Protectorate (BSIP) and German (later British) New Guinea. Other parts of the Solomons which had previously had less contact were conjoined into the BSIP, which later became the independent state of the Solomons Islands. I consider some of the outcomes of these processes for New Georgian (Western Solomons) notions of nationhood. I discuss the question of Western sentiments towards the Papua New Guinea island of Bougainville, but focus primarily on New Georgian ambivalence towards union with other parts of the Solomons, particularly Malaita Province.

The Remnant Church: A Christian Sect of the Solomon Islands

The Remnant Church is a religious movement of Malaita in the Solomon Islands whose members trace their ancestry to the Old Testament migrations of the tribes of Israel. It is a small sect1, founded by visionaries among the Kwara'ae-speaking people more than twenty years ago, and has probably never numbered many more than a hundred men and their families. However, in the 1950s and 60s its members' determination to observe the religious laws of their Church rather than those of the colonial government was strong enough to result in a number of them being imprisoned by the authorities of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate. The rise and fall of anti-colonial movements has long been a feature of social change in the Solomon Islands. The Remnant Church, despite its Christian doctrine, falls within a long tradition of such movements in Malaita, as explained in Keesing's brief allusion to its leader, Sisimia, in his analysis of the famous Maasina Rule Movement (1978 II:53-54)2. In this paper I will try to develop Keesing's theme through a more detailed account of the Remnant Church, explaining in particular the intellectual assumptions upon which its anti-colonial doctrine is based, in the context of Malaitan society and its colonial history. Stories of the lost tribes of Israel abound in Christian countries around

Red cell enzyme and serum protein types in a population from Ndeni (Santa Cruz Islands).

Data for 14 red cell enzyme systems, haemoglobin and four serum proteins are presented for 351 people from the island of Ndeni in the Santa Cruz group of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate. The results support the view based on linguistic studies that the Ndeni population is derived from a mixing of older Papuan and later Austronesian-speaking peoples.

An attempt at educational reform in the British Solomon Islands protectorate: W. C. Groves, 1939–1945

An attempt at educational reform in the British Solomon Islands protectorate: W. C. Groves, 1939–1945

Fluid inclusion studies in relation to hydrothermal alteration and mineralization at the Koloula porphyry copper prospect, Guadalcanal

The Koloula Igneous Complex on the island of Guadalcanal, part of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate, consists of a calc-alkaline sequence of 26 intrusive phases ranging from leucogabbro through diorites and granodiorites to andesite dikes. The intermediate and felsic rocks of the younger central part of the complex are host to porphyry copper mineralization, characterized by two well-defined separate alteration systems.The earlier or system has five distinguishable concentric zones. The innermost is sulfide free and contains K feldspar-quartz-magnetite-actinolite-pyroxene (salite). It is succeeded by zones containing potassic and propylitic assemblages, with chalcopyrite and bornite associated with the potassic zones. The later, or system, is characterized by four zones in which sericite and lesser amounts of clay minerals predominate.Fluid inclusion assemblages are closely similar to those from porphyry copper deposits of the Bingham type. Three types of inclusions are common: gas-rich, moderately saline, highly saline inclusions which contain NaCl + or - KCl + or - hematite + or - birefringent phases. Homogenization temperatures obtained from moderately and highly saline inclusions range up to approximately 700 degrees C in the A system and up to 480 degrees in the B system. There is a continuous variation in salinity from 2 percent equivalent NaCl in some two-phase inclusions up to approximately 60 percent equivalent NaCl in some highly saline inclusions.The evolution of fluids in the A hydrothermal system has not proved easy to elucidate, but the best development of high-salinity inclusions containing KCl daughter crystals is found in areas of strong potassic alteration. Information derived from the sequence of secondary fluid inclusion planes and from the coincidence of alteration and late-intrusive activity suggests that in the B system high-salinity fluids dominated the early phase of alteration and moderate-salinity fluids dominated the later phases. It is considered that both hydrothermal systems developed predominantly under lithostatic pressure conditions with a cover of about 3 km.Counts of inclusions in primary quartz in standard petrographic thin sections reveal a close relationship between fluid inclusion abundance and the location of Cu soil geochemistry anomalies. Such counts may well prove to be a simple preliminary exploration technique for porphyry copper prospect evaluation.

Distribution and persistence of hepatitis B surface antigen and antibody in a Melanesian population.

The population of Graciosa Bay, Santa Cruz, British Solomon Islands Protectorate, was tested for HBsAg and anti-HBs in 1973 and 1974. Both the antigen and antibody occurred more often in males, presumably due to a higher exposure rate. None of 28 infants under one year of age had antigen and only one of 50 individuals under two years (2%) did. The prevalence of antigenemia was higher in older children and did not decline with increasing age. This pattern is contrasted to that found in other populations which is characterized by onset during the first year and a decrease in prevalence in older age groups. The ratio of antigenemia prevalence to that of antibody is significantly higher in the population under six years of age (p less than 0.01), indicating that younger infected people tend to be asymptomatic carriers while older individuals tend to have produced antibody. Three of 28 individuals with antigen detectable by immunodiffusion in 1973 had lower levels, detectable only by reversed passive hemagglutination after one year. The age specific prevalence of anti-HBs increases to a peak of 34% in the 15-19 year age group and declines thereafter.

Hepatitis B antigen subtypes in asymptomatic carriers in the Solomon Islands.

Three hundred and fifty-three students attending King George VI School in Honiara, British Solomon Islands Protectorate, were tested by immunodiffusion for hepatitis B surface antigen (HBS Ag). The prevalence of HB Ag was 13% and the antigen was found more frequently in males. Twenty-seven samples which contained high titers of antigen were subtyped to define those subtype combinations present in the BSIP. The most frequent antigen was adr+yw-. This combination is also common in Thailand and Japan. The second most prevalent combination was ayw+dr-. The antigenic determinants also occurred less frequently as adw+yr-, adwr+y-, and awr+dy-. These unusual samples which contain both w and r may be the result of mixed particles, recombination of virus, mixing of viral proteins in doubly infected cells or extracellular aggregation of mixed viral products.

Chayanov in the Solomons

Pacific ViewpointVolume 17, Issue 1 p. 49-60 ArticleFree Access Chayanov in the Solomons A Study of Socio­Economic Motives in Resource Use J. M. McKinnon, J. M. McKinnonSearch for more papers by this author J. M. McKinnon, J. M. McKinnonSearch for more papers by this author First published: 01 May 1976 https://doi.org/10.1111/apv.171004Citations: 1AboutSectionsPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat References 1Chayanov, A. V., 1925, Organizatsiya Krest’ yanskogo Khozyaistva, translated as The Theory of Peasant Economy, D. Thorner, R. E. F. Smith and B. Kerblay (eds), Irwin, 1966. 2Kerblay, Basile, 1971, “Chayanov and the Theory of Peasantry as a Specific Type of Economy”, Peasants and Peasant Societies, ed. Shanin Teodor, 150– 160. 3McKinnon, J. M., 1971, Bilua Report: A Preliminary Draft Report to the British Solomon Islands Protectorate Government on Field Work, Mimeograph, Victoria University of Wellington. 4McKinnon, J. M., 1972, Bilua Changes: Culture Contact and its Consequences: A Study of the Bilua Vella Lavella in the British Solomon Islands, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Victoria University of Wellington. 5Sahlins, M., 1971, “ The Intensity of Domestic Production in Primitive Societies: Social Inflections of the Chayanov Slope”, Studies in Economic Anthropology, Anthropological Studies, American Anthropological Association, Washington. 6Walters, R. F., n.d., Rural Economic Development and Commercialisation of Traditional Agriculture in the British Solomon Islands Protectorate, (mimeograph project outline), Victoria University of Wellington. Citing Literature Volume17, Issue1May 1976Pages 49-60 ReferencesRelatedInformation

Changes in the feeding behaviour of a malaria vector, Anopheles farauti Lav., following use of DDT as a residual spray in houses in the British Solomon Islands Protectorate

SUMMARY To investigate the failure of DDT to interrupt malaria transmission in parts of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate, regular all‐night man‐biting catches of malaria vectors were made before and after DDT house spraying on San Cristobal Island. Changes were observed in the man‐biting behaviour of Anopheles farauti. There was a reduction in the degree of entry into houses and a shifting of the times of peak biting. Whereas before spraying the indoor and outdoor biting cycles differed, after spraying there was no difference although both the indoor and outdoor cycles had altered. DDT was found to have a deterrent effect on An.farauti but this effect decreased with time. DDT also appears to eliminate a dominant indoor feeding fraction of the farauti population. Following this there can be an increase in an outdoor feeding fraction which can be responsible for a resumption of malaria transmission. Biting cycles obtained before spraying are also shown for An.koliensis and An.punctulatus.

Observations on malaria vectors of the Anopheles punctulatus complex in the British Solomon Islands Protectorate.

All available information on malaria vector species of the Anopheles (Cellia) punctulatus complex in the British Solomon Islands Protectorate is presented. Particular emphasis is placed on the distribution of 3 species, Anopheles punctulatus Don., A. farauti Lav., and A. koliensis Owen, based on a comprehensive survey of all the inhabited islands of the Protectorate. Comments are provided on the apparent effects of DDT residual house spraying on the vector species.

Aedes (Finlaya) Maffii, A New Species of Mosquito from the British Solomon Islands (Diptera: Culicidae)

Abstract Aedes (Finlaya) maffii Taylor & Tenorio, n. sp., a member of the kochi group, is described from Rennell Island, British Solomon Islands Protectorate. The species is also reported from Sikaiana, Stewart Islands, B.S.I.P.

Papua new Guinea and the British Solomon Islands protectorate: Fusion or transfusion?

Papua new Guinea and the British Solomon Islands protectorate: Fusion or transfusion?

Coelomomyces sp. infection in Aedes (Stegomyia) herbrideus Edwards on Nupani Island, Santa Cruz Group, Solomons.

Nupani is a small, flat, coral atoll located 10°05′ S, 165°40′ E, some 70 km NW of LomLom, the largest island in the Reefs. These are part of the Santa Cruz Group (in the broad sense, including Tikopia, Anuta and Fataka), which is an isolated group of volcanic and coral islands in the Coral Sea. Administratively part of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate, the Santa Cruz Group is biogeographically linked with the adjoining New Hebrides, both being sub-areas of the Santa Cruz-New Hebrides faunal area (Belkin, 1962, The Mosquitoes of the South Pacific, Univ. Calif. Press). Inside Nupani Atoll there are 2 small islands; there are 3 villages on the northern island, Nupani proper, and 1 on the southern, Naloko. The approximately 150 inhabitants are Polynesians. The islands are covered by native vegetation and by small coconut plantations. Except for a marshy spot on Nupani, there is no surface water, and the population has to depend on a few ground wells and on rain water collected in drums.

Soils of some Quaternary marine terraces in the British Solomon Islands Protectorate and some problems in their agricultural use

Abstract The Quaternary marine terraces discussed are formed predominantly from coral, but the soils overlying them are strongly influenced by subsequent volcanic deposits. Six “land systems” are defined and morphological, chemical, and physical properties of their main soils are detailed. The mineralogical properties of soils and parent materials indicate varied stages of weathering, and these are reflected in plant nutrient levels. Agronomically the most important feature common to all the soils is the extremely low level of subsoil potassium. Some of the soils also require sulphur, and possibly manganese, for coconuts. With shifting cultivation, incoi porating long fallows, food cropping can be sustained, but if cultivation is prolonged, potassium fertilising is essential for optimum growth.

Storage losses of taro corms in the British Solomon Islands Protectorate

SUMMARYIn two storage trials, corms of taro (Colocasia esculenta) decayed and became unfit for human consumption after 1 to 2 weeks. There were three fairly distinct types of rot: A dry rot caused by Fusarium solani, a spongy black rot caused by Botryodiplodia theobromae, and a Sclerotium rot caused by S. rolfsii. Although it was found that, under humid conditions, all three fungi could penetrate and rot undamaged corms most natural infection is thought to occur through wounds. None of the pathogens rotted corms at low humidity.