Russian Border Research Articles

Миграционный потенциал Казахстана в условиях современной геополитической ситуации (региональный аспект)

The article deals with the migration potential of Kazakhstan in the example of the Pavlodar region bordering Russia. The authors noted that as a result of recent active migration processes, Russia and Kazakhstan are beginning to experience migration pressure. Such changes in migration processes require the improvement of migration policy, taking into account global trends and rules. Within states, there are negative consequences of ignoring migration problems, which are expressed in a decrease in the population in some regions due to its migration to more «rich» regions; the destabilizing effect of the retirement of the able-bodied population; the growth of illegal migration; expanding the shadow sector of the economy through the uncontrolled use of migrant labor; corruption; the danger of terrorist actions; undermining national security. For this reason, the article mainly focuses on the ability of the state to form and implement a national migration policy, increase the international prestige of the country, and the attractiveness of the region in domestic migration policy. It is concluded that migration processes have an ambivalent political assessment since they can have both positive and negative impacts. The authors propose recommendations for a positive scenario of migration potential not only for the population of the Pavlodar region but also for all border areas of Kazakhstan. In order to understand the benefits of migration, as well as to develop measures to counteract its negative impact, a comprehensive political analysis of all components of the migration processes of border states is required. In preparing the article, the authors used the results of the sociological survey «Migration potential of the Pavlodar region» conducted by the authors and the research group of the NAO «Toraighyrov University», commissioned by the State Institution «Department of Information and Social Development of the Pavlodar Region».

The Eternal Legacy of the Great Patriotic War? The Political Instrumentalization of the Soviet Victory over Fascism and Its Utilization in Czechoslovakia after 1968 and in the Czech Republic Today

Theoretically grounded in memory studies, this article reconstructs how the official Soviet-Russian myth of the Great Patriotic War has been politically instrumentalized and abused to promote and legitimize the Kremlin’s power intentions. It examines the forms, mechanisms and actors of this systematically applied politics of history and memory. First in the context of the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia in August 1968 and the justification of the subsequent Soviet Army’s stay in the country, then in the context of the propaganda activities of pro-Russian activists in the Czech Republic and the current Russian aggression against Ukraine. By the myth of the Great Patriotic War, the author understands the purposefully created, maintained and idealized image of the victorious campaign of the Red Army between 1941 and 1945, the selfless and unprecedented Soviet heroism that saved European nations from German fascism. This sacralized narrative, which suppresses other historical narratives, is monopolized in contemporary Russian state policy as an important tool to shape the historical memory of Russian society and to unite it against new and presumably hostile threats. The author demonstrates the strategy in which during the normalization of the 1970s and 1980s the soldiers of the Soviet Army, who allegedly provided “fraternal assistance” in the suppression of the counter-revolution in Czechoslovakia in August 1968, were presented as the successors and “sons” of the heroic liberators of 1945 and shows how they themselves used and participated in this cult in their “comradeship” with Czech society. After the collapse of the communist regime, this official narrative lost its weight, but the “Russian world” (russkii mir) as a conglomerate of ideas linking segments of Russian culture, Orthodoxy, nationalism and shared historical memory has penetrated the Czech Republic, serving as a “marketing brand” to spread Russia’s geopolitical influence during Putin’s rule. Through the Russian-language press, web platforms and social media, the author maps the actors and forms of the “Russian world” in the Czech Republic, whose background consists of part of the local Russian minority and local pro-Russian associations or initiatives. She pays particular attention to the nationalist motorcycle club Night Wolves (Nochnye volki) and the originally civic, but gradually becoming a state movement Immortal Regiment (Bessmertnyi polk), which revive and promote the myth of the Great Patriotic War in line with the Kremlin’s intentions and which establish their branches beyond the borders of Russia, including the Czech Republic.

Foreign Policy Orientation and Electoral Behavior: Analyzing Opinion Polls in Belarus, Georgia, and Kazakhstan

In the post-pandemic years of 2021–2022, the post-Soviet space has entered a stage of decisive transformation, which will test the maturity of the state institutions formed 30 years ago for the region’s countries. The study captures a snapshot of public sentiment in these countries on the eve of this wave of transformation it is based on a series of largescale opinion polls in Belarus, Georgia and Kazakhstan, conducted immediately after the last elections to the lower houses of the parliaments of these countries in the pre-crisis era. The main research question of the sociological study was to identify demographic and geographical patterns in determining the attitude of voters toward the prospects for relations with Russia. Countries with traditionally different strategies of relations with Russia were taken: Belarus is a strategic ally, Kazakhstan is friendly but pursues a multi-vector policy, and Georgia is generally hostile at the level of the political class. The analysis showed that in matters of orientation towards positive relations with Russia, the voters of these countries nevertheless had more in common than differences. Based on the analysis results, several lines of delimitation can be distinguished. Firstly, the “macro-regional, geopolitical” line runs between Belarus and Kazakhstan, on the one hand, and Georgia, on the other. The second split along the “center-periphery” line takes place within states, i.e., Such a demarcation was singled out by many researchers, singled out concerning Russia; however, we found the same demarcations in Belarus (“Minsk and the rest of the country”) partly in Georgia and Kazakhstan. Finally, the authors admit to it the possibility of delimitation along the north-south lines: in Georgia and, to some extent, in Kazakhstan, as a result of territorial differentiation in the residence of Russians in the northern regions of the republic, where sympathy for Russia is more clearly manifested than in the southern regions remote from it; and this demarcation is less pronounced in Belarus, where it refers to the regions bordering Russia and Ukraine.

THE HISTORY OF THE CREATION OF THE LEZGIN (KAKHETI) CORDON LINE: GOALS AND TASKS OF FORTIFICATIONS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REGION

The beginning of the 19th century marks a new stage in the military-political development of the Eastern Caucasus and Transcaucasia. Since Georgia was annexed to the empire at that time, the state faced the issue of protecting new territories. A. Ermolov initiated a period of vigorous activity of topographers of the region associated with the construction of a number of fortresses and transfer from the policy of punitive operations to the systematic development of the region using civil colonization. For this purpose, the construction of a system of fortresses along the Iori and Alazani rivers began in the 30s of the 19th century. This system of fortresses entered historiography as the Lezgi (Kakheti) cordon line which was a component of the Left flank of the Caucasian cordon line (after the division of the Caucasian cordon line into flanks in 1834). The Russian government entrusted a number of military-political and economic tasks to the new cordon. In addition, the article examines the place and role of the command staff of the cordon line in the construction, re-deployment of the forces on the line, and the putting into practice provisions of the Caucasian policy in the region. The work reveals the military-political, social-economic importance of the line and the history of the creation of a cordon on the border with Georgia based on the available sources. Overall, the transformation of the Caucasian policy in the region can be seen on the example of the Lezgi (Kakheti) cordon line (the change of policy’s vector from defensive (tactics of punitive operations) to the civil colonization of the region that subsequently contributed to the approach with highlanders through economic, cultural and household relations. The number of constructions on the line and the number of forces deployed in fortresses and fortifications were changing depending on the success of the Tsarist Army in the mountains. The line from the moment of its creation and in the subsequent period performed defensive functions not only for the internal borders but also served as a support of the southern borders of Russia from Turkey and Iran. It was the primary task of preserving the region in geopolitical terms.

Adaptation Practices of Persian Migrants in the North Caucasus (the Second Half of the XIX - the Beginning of the Twentieth Century)

The study of the processes of adaptation of labor migrants in the modern world is actualized by the impact of active cross-border movements on the economy, culture, politics and interstate interaction. The study of the historical experience of the legal and economic aspects of the adaptation of Iranian migrants in the North Caucasus in the second half of the X1X - early XX century undertaken in this article significantly complements and corrects the known, but rather contradictory information about Iranian immigrants, and also makes a certain contribution to the theory of the life structure of the diaspora. The analysis of Russian laws regulating the life of foreigners in Russia and the peculiarities of their application in the North Caucasus, identified from archival sources, made it possible to study the adaptation practices of Persian migrants. Among Persian migrants, the vast majority crossed the border illegally, as the adjacent territory between the northern part of Iran and the southern borders of Russia, in particular, the Azerbaijani lands, for a long time remained accessible to residents of both countries. In this regard, the first adaptive practices of migrants were associated with shelter from Russian legislation. However, over time, the rules were tightened, and their non-implementation undermined the life of the migrant. The official registration of a residence permit, a “Russian ticket”, Russian citizenship, a voluntary change of the family name to the Russian manner, with the addition of the suffix “ov”, the election of intermediaries to interact with local authorities and other individual practices identified from archival sources, strengthened the social prestige of the migrant, necessary for the successful organization of entrepreneurial activity. The organization of ethnic entrepreneurship, the creation of jobs for compatriots, were the basis and guarantor of the success of the life of the Persian community. The status of a migrant was also enhanced by a noticeable participation in charitable activities aimed both at solving common problems and at helping the Persian community: the foundation of mosques, Persian schools and charitable societies, which together ensured both the preservation of identity and integration into the host society.

Switching Cars with the Militsiya and Other Ways the Finnish–Russian Borderland is ‘Lived’ by People in Their Everyday Lives

Borderlands differ from more central areas of states as they are affected by different border effects, such as cross-border flows and the intermingling of societies and cultures. Yet, the ways people experience and practice borderlands by attaching meanings to the material and social space have received relatively little attention. The present study focuses on the Finnish–Russian borderland as ‘lived’ by people in their everyday lives. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the Finnish border cities of Imatra and Lappeenranta and the Russian border cities of Svetogorsk and Vyborg in 2017 and 2018. The main finding is that the participants’ cross-border practices are intertwined with personal and socially shared meanings that they associate with the borderland and places within it. These meanings also play an important role in the ways the participants form relationships with the borderland. The paper argues that research on borderlands needs to pay more attention to the ever-evolving relationship between people and space for deepening the understanding of the specificity of borderlands as living environments.

Socio-economic differentiation of border regions by the example of Russia and Finland: Factor analysis

Border regions in modern conditions have a special status which is determined by the geopolitical position. The Russian-Finnish borderland was characterized by a high level of activity, which provided the border regions with opportunities for economic growth. The development of the border regions of Russia and Finland diff signifi by socio-economic indicators. A comparative analysis will make it possible to assess the existing gap between the territories and identify possible areas for cooperation between the territories. The object of the study is the border regions of Russia and Finland. The aim of the study is to assess the economic development and diff processes of the border regions of Russia and Finland. The study collected a system of indicators to analyze the development of border regions, which made it possible to assess the level of socio-economic development of border regions of Russia and Finland. The analytical work used the data of Rosstat, Finstat, on the basis of which the database on socio-economic indicators of development of border regions was collected. The comparative assessment was carried out by applying the method of factor analysis (L. Thurstone’s centroid method). Analytical work was carried out with the help of the package of applied programs Statistica. Based on a certain set of indicators refl the socio-economic development of the border regions of Russia and Finland, the characteristics were built based on the values of the regions in the space of latent factors and their heterogeneity was assessed. The construction was formed on the basis of the use of factor analysis of integral characteristics that include the socio-economic indicators under study. The conducted study of the assessment of the development of border regions of Russia and Finland has identifi a high level of lagging behind the Russian border regions from the Finnish border regions according to the majority of indicators. An important result is also a signifi diff between Finnish border regions by the cumulative factor “provision of territory with resources”, Finnish border regions showed a signifi gap in relation to each other.

Creating Enemies and Building Bridges: Representations of Hungary in the Ukrainian Media

Creating Enemies and Building Bridges: Representations of Hungary in the Ukrainian Media

BORDER ECONOMY AS A PROMISING SECTION OF REGIONALISTICS

The article deals with various problems of socio-economic and environmental development of the border economy as an important and promising area of regional studies. The economy of border regions is currently one of the least studied aspects of the theory of regional economy. The development of the border economy and border ecology is especially relevant for large countries, such as Russia, China, Kazakhstan, which also have a very long border. As you know, Russia borders on a large number of countries, both currently friendly with the Russian Federation (Belarus, China, etc.), and with states that currently have serious problems and disagreements with Russia, both political and economic in nature (Ukraine, Baltic states). 
 All this determines the relevance and importance of research on the reproductive system in the border regions. Taking into account the significant number of regions on the territory of Russia that have a border status, as well as the variety of political, environmental, social and economic conditions and factors for the development of border areas, including those located in such an important and promising region of the country as the Arctic, it is advisable to intensify the process of studying features of the functioning of the economy of the border regions and the identification of general trends and patterns of their development.

The North Ukrainian dialect of Vyšneve in the East Slavic context: towards a final description

Abstract The linguistic description of the dialect of Vyšneve (Černihiv, Ukraine) can be considered a milestone of a more comprehensive dialectal and sociolinguistic study on the dialects spoken along the Ukrainian-Belarusian and, to a lesser extent, Russian border areas of eastern Polissia. Some of the most representative features of the Vyšneve dialect and its relation to Belarusian have already been the object of previous linguistic analysis. The village is situated about 35 km north-east of the city of Černihiv (regional centre); 12 km south-east of the town of Ripky (former district centre). The distance to the Belarusian border is approximately 35 kilometers. Only the former district of Horodjans’k separates Vyšneve from the region of Brjansk (Russian Federation). The factual material examined in this article aims to complete previous research gaps and, at the same time, intends to foster further theoretical reflections about the origin of these border dialects. The analysis of this local dialect (which includes the phonetic-phonological, morpho-syntactic and lexical levels) in fact lays the foundation for successive and more advanced stages of research on the Ukrainian-Belarusian-Russian border dialects. In this contribution the dialectal features will be systematically compared with both the neighbouring Belarusian dialects spoken along the Ukrainian-Belarusian continuum and with the nearby southern Russian dialects, particularly with their western group. The latter, in fact, shares with the neighbouring Ukrainian and Belarusian border dialects a series of isoglosses and idiosyncratic traits.

The disarmament conference in Moscow from December 1922 and Romania

In the conditions of the international isolation of the Russian Government, at the initiative of the Soviet diplomacy in December 1922, a „disarmament conference” was held in Moscow, in which the states bordering Russia participated. Although it was invited, Romania did not respond to the invitation, because the Soviets refused to recognize the border on the Dniester. The tribune of the Moscow conference was used by Russian diplomacy for propaganda purposes. At the conference, the Romanian Government aimed to explore, through its ally Poland, the possibility of normalizing relations with the Russian Government, on the condition of recognizing its eastern border and the intention to give up the treasure seized in Moscow. During an exchange of views with Poland’s representative at the conference, Prince Radziwill, Deputy Commissar for Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov warned that Russia would demand a plebiscite in Bessarabia. A century later, a question remains, however, whether or not the Moscow conference was an occasion for a beginning of normalization of Russian-Romanian relations.

Borderland Economic Resilience under COVID-19: Evidence from China-Russia Border Regions.

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a great impact on the global economy and trade, and border regions have been hit severely because of their high dependency on foreign trade. To understand better the economic impact of COVID-19 on border regions, we developed a COVID-19 economic resilience analytical framework and empirically examined 10 Chinese-Russian border cities in Northeast China. We quantitatively analyzed five dimensions of economic resilience, distinguished four types of shock, and examined the determinants of economic resilience. The results show that: (1) the COVID-19 pandemic has wide-ranging impacts in the border areas, with import–export trade and retail sales of consumer goods being the most vulnerable and sensitive to the shock. The whole economy of the border areas is in the downward stage of the resistance period; (2) from a multi-dimensional perspective, foreign trade and consumption are the most vulnerable components of the borderland economic system, while industrial resilience and income resilience have improved against the trend, showing that they have good crisis resistance; (3) borderland economic resilience is a spatially heterogeneous phenomenon, with each border city showing different characteristics; (4) economic openness, fiscal expenditure, and asset investment are the key drivers of economic resilience, and the interaction between the influencing factors presents a nonlinear and bi-factor enhancement of them. The findings shed light on how border economies can respond to COVID-19, and how they are useful in formulating policies to respond to the crisis.

Small town in the border region of Russia: socio-cultural and socio-economic problems

The article analyses the main socio-economic and socio-cultural problems that hinder the development of small towns in the Russian border area. Based on qualitative data obtained during research in 2014–2021 in border regions of Russia, the main negative trends were identified, which, in the opinion of local residents, must be eliminated or reduced in the first place in order for a small town to survive. It is shown that most of the small towns in are in a depressed state, with high rates of depopulation. It is concluded that it is necessary to preserve them, since they are not only of cultural and historical value for the reproduction of socio-cultural potential, but also are important strategic territories that can withstand non-military threats and contribute to the preservation of the country’s integrity and its security.

Problems of specific prevention of African swine fever

This review presents the current state of the problem of development and application of the specific prevention of African swine fever (ASF) with a brief description of its etiology and pathogenesis. The unique nature of the ASF virus (ASFV) determines some limitations and the complexity of solving the problem of vaccine development. Such situation stimulated the development of highly specific diagnostic methods for rapid and accurate detection of the ASFV. In this regard, results of studies, including our own, concerning the comparative analysis of the genome of vaccine and virulent strains of the ASFV, as well as immunodiagnostic approaches to determine causes of high virulence and low protective activity of the ASFV, are briefly presented. Special attention is given to the issue related to the development of safe and effective vaccines against ASF. In this context disadvantages and possible advantages of live attenuated (LAV) and recombinant (RV) vaccines are considered in details. Results of recent studies on the assessment of the immunogenicity of genetically modified vaccines (GMV) which developed in various laboratories around the world are presented. The obtained data indicate that ASF vaccination is currently the most promising measure to stop the spread of this disease in our country and in the world, however, previous experience with ASF vaccination has revealed some problems in its development and application. The significant contribution of foreign researchers to the study of the basics of virulence of this pathogen and the study of its genes functions are noted. The possible further expansion of ASF in Europe and Asia in bordering Russia territories, as well as the established fact of the persistence of ASFV in wild boar population indicate a constant threat of its re-introduction into our country. In conclusion, the importance of developing a safe effective vaccine against ASF and the assessing of the possible risks of creating the artificial sources of the infection in nature as a result of its use is emphasized.

A Message from the Editor: War of Position: Russia and Ukraine in Global South Studies

A Message from the EditorWar of Position: Russia and Ukraine in Global South Studies Ryan Alexander In the last editorial note, I made the point that in order for the Global South to be a useful frame of analysis, we need to remind ourselves from time to time of exactly what it is. How do we define it? What are its strengths and weaknesses as an analytical tool? Out of what historical context did it first arise? How has it evolved over time? How does it bear on society today? I won't rehash what I wrote in that piece, except to say that one point I failed to emphasize is that it is a relative concept; the Global South exists only in relation to the Global North. As I write this editorial note, I cannot take my mind off of developments in the Global North, especially those pertaining to Ukraine. It is beyond dispute that Russian aggression toward Ukraine, a sovereign nation that has had its share of ups and downs since the end of the Cold War, is both illegal and inhumane. It reflects Russian president Vladimir Putin's personal tendencies more than it does any sound geopolitical strategy. In his view, Ukrainian nationhood is a fiction, and he is obsessed with the idea of repatriating the more than twenty million ethnic Russians living outside Russia's borders (it is important to note that while the Russian government regards this plan as repatriation, the term is something of a misnomer in this case, given that most of these people are not from Russia and seem to have little desire to move there). The personal nature of the conflict—as if it were a vendetta exacted on a mass scale—gives his tragic misadventure an extra feeling of illegitimacy. Yet there are geopolitical implications, and they make the situation far more complex than mainstream media outlets would have you believe. If we set aside [End Page ix] Putin's irrational behavior, the Russian Federation's position is at least understandable, even if the human consequences are indefensible. The humiliations felt by many Russians at their country's having been cut down to size after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the decade of hyperinflation and poverty that followed during the 1990s, the fire sale of valuable public assets to a clique of wealthy oligarchs who today live in opulence and impunity, and the instant conversion of Russia from global superpower into second-rate regional player, all took their toll not only on the nation's leadership but on everyday citizens as well. The eastward encroachment of NATO toward Russia's western flank has only further rankled. It would be unfair and simplistic to say that the West caused this situation, but it absolutely would be fair to say that the West has contributed to feelings of frustration among Russians, which Putin has deftly channeled into the jingoism that underpins his assault on Ukraine. As a rule, people will inherently link positive living circumstances with the political regime in place, and to a lesser extent with the ideological leanings of that regime. It stands to reason, then, that Russians would draw parallels between the economically disastrous decade of the 1990s and the Western orientation of the government of Boris Yeltsin, just as they would logically draw parallels between their comparatively good fortune in the twenty-first century and the Putin government. This general sentiment, along with the heavy dose of state propaganda and lack of open, critical analysis by Russian media, helps to explain the relative popularity of the Ukraine invasion and occupation among Russian citizens. Putin has gone on record saying that he considers the breakup of the Soviet Union to have been the greatest tragedy of the twentieth century (considering the array of options, this is instructive), and that he interprets his job as serving the interests of the more than 140 million citizens of Russia, even if that means engaging in zero-sum conflicts at the expense of others. I believe his convictions are profound and sincere, and thus one can assume that his efforts to consolidate power over the past twenty-two years have been...

In Search of the Soviet Past: the Lipetsk Case

The myth of the founding of Lipetsk includes a narrative related to the development of the southern borders of Russia and the development of metallurgy. But the 23-fold increase in the population of Lipetsk during the entire 65 years of the XX century (from 21.4 thousand people in 1926 to 490.3 thousand people in 1990) makes us turn back to the Soviet period of the city's history. Having considered the modes of circulation of "soft" and "hard" memory, as well as using the optics of different scales formulated by E. Rigni and C. de Cesare and the intuitions of J. Assman, who identified the communicative and cultural areas of memory, the author checks whether Lipetsk today pays due tribute to the Soviet past. The appeal to the key markers of Lipetsk's identity (metallurgical plant, mineral water, aviation center) related to cultural memory showed that today many residents of the city do not have a sense of continuity with the past. It is concluded that the post-war period of the USSR is a particularly significant memory space around which the identity of the Lipchans could be built, the memory of the local community could be formed. However, today Lipetsk residents have to face a completely different memorial policy initiated by local authorities, in which the Soviet past is gradually being replaced by new symbolic practices and objects, as a result of which the urban space is becoming more and more eclectic.

The participation of the border regions in the foreign trade of the Russian Federation

Subject. The importance of foreign trade for the border regions. Objectives. Assessment of exports and imports by the main commodity groups in relation to the border and inland regions of Russia. Methods. Methods of synthesis, analysis and generalization were used. Results. The Grubel-Lloyd indices were calculated for the main commodity groups and on average for the border regions. It is shown that the existing commodity structure of exports and imports of border regions is unfavorable for their economic development. Quantitative characteristics of the participation of border regions in Russia's international trade can be assessed as significantly lower than those of inland regions. Conclusions. To increase the effectiveness of the participation of border areas in Russia's foreign trade, a differentiated approach to regional policy is needed, in which border areas are considered as a specific object.

Russia's Civilizational Choice: the Eurasian Alternative

The purpose of this work is an attempt to determine the role of the Eurasian factor in the civilizational choice of Russia. This scientific problem is considered by the author in two sections: philosophical-historical, involving an appeal to the ideological heritage of the Eurasians, and philosophical-political, allowing to assess the significance and prospects of the Eurasian vector as one of the key directions of Russia's foreign policy. The article defines the relevance of Eurasian integration for Russia, provides the provisions of the Eurasians that support the integration process. The prospects of Russia's Eurasian civilizational choice are examined both from a cultural and historical point of view and from the perspective of current geopolitical realities. The collapse of the Soviet Union is assessed as a natural stage of historical development necessary for liberation from the borrowed communist idea and for the formation of a pyramidal identity structure that requires the actualization of the national identity of peoples. One of the elements of this structure is a "supranational" identity, the formation of which is possible within the framework of the implementation of the Eurasian project. The consequence of the implementation of such a project may be the satisfaction of the public need for a new consolidating national idea, as well as the satisfaction of the demand for great power inherent in Eurasian psychology. In conclusion, it is concluded that the formation of the Eurasian Union is necessary from the point of view of national security in conditions of shifting the line of the civilizational fault to the borders of Russia.

ALTAI SHAMANISM IN THE WORKS OF ALTAY PAINTER ÇOROS-GURKIN

Tarihi çok eskilere dayanan ve birçok bilim adamı tarafından Türklerin en eski yurtlarından biri olarak kabul edilen Altaylar günümüzde birkaç devletin sınırları içerisinde yer almaktadır. Bu devletler içerisinde Altay coğrafyasının en büyük bölümüne sahip olanı Rusya’dır. Rusya sınırları içerisinde kalan kısımları da kendi içerisinde iki bölgeye ayrılmıştır. Bunlardan birinci bölge doğrudan Rusya toprağıdır ve Altay Bölgesi olarak adlandırılır. İkinci bölge ise Rusya’ya bağlı özerk bir cumhuriyettir ve Altay Cumhuriyeti olarak adlandırılmıştır. Altayların başka bir parçası Kazakistan’ın kuzeydoğu sınırları içerisinde kalır ve burası Kazakistan Altayları olarak adlandırılır. Diğer bir kısmı Doğu Türkistan’ın en kuzey sınırları içerisinde kalır. Son olarak Altayların önemli bir kısmı da günümüz Moğolistan sınırları içerisinde kalmaktadır. Günümüzde Altay Türkleri dediğimiz zaman ise özellikle Altay Cumhuriyeti’nde yaşayan Türk nüfus aklımıza gelir. Grigoriy İvanoviç Çoros-Gurkin de günümüz Altay Cumhuriyeti sınırları içerisinde doğmuş bir Altay Türkü’dür ve iyi bir ressamdır. Çoros-Gurkin, Altay Türklerinin Çoros boyuna mensuptur. İlköğrenimini Altay’da yaptıktan sonra San-Petersburg’a giderek orada resim dersi almış, iyi bir ressam olarak Altay’a geri dönmüştür. Doğup büyüdüğü Altayları çok seven Çoros-Gurkin, geri döndükten sonra bütün ömrünü Altay Türklerinin ve Altay’ın ilerlemesi, gelişmesi, yüksek medeniyet seviyesine çıkması için harcamıştır. O, öncelikle bir sanat okulu açmayı planlamış, bu sanat okulu vasıtasıyla Altay Türk’ü gençlerin iyi bir eğitim alması, aydın birer birey olmaları yönünde çaba harcamıştır. Diğer taraftan Altayların bağımsızlığı uğruna da birçok mücadele vermiştir. Altayların bağımsızlığı konusunda hem siyasi hem de kültürel alanda faaliyet göstermiştir. 1917-1919 yıllarında Dağlık Altay Duması’nın liderliğini yapmış, Altay’ın bağımsız bir cumhuriyet ve Altay Türklerinin de herkesle eşit haklara sahip olabilmesi için çalışmalar yürütmüştür. Kültürel alanda ise çalışmalarına özgür ve bağımsız bir Altay temasını yerleştirmeye çalışmıştır. Han-Altay isimli tablosu onun bu konudaki en önemli çalışmalarındandır. Vatanı uğruna yaptığı mücadeleler sonucunda Sovyet iktidarı tarafından önce hapse atılmış daha sonra da katledilmiştir. Çoros-Gurkin, hayatı boyunca Altayların doğası, coğrafyası, tarihi, kültürü, inançları hakkında birçok resim ortaya koymuştur. Resimlerinin, tablolarının, çizimlerinin ve diğer eserlerinin toplam sayısı beş bini bulmaktadır. Halkın inanç dünyasıyla ilgili en çok Şamanizm konusunu içeren resim ve tablolar yapmıştır. Ressamın Altay Şamanizmi konusunda yaptığı eserler büyük oranda gözlemlerine dayanmaktaydı. Bu konuyu işlerken Altay coğrafyasındaki tarihi eserlerden olabildiğince faydalanmıştır. Kaya resimleri başta olmak üzere, Şamanizm’le ilgili birçok tarihi eseri gidip görmüş ve resimlerine konu edinmiştir. Çoros-Gurkin, Şamanizm temalı konuları işlerken Şamanlarla da görüşmüş, onların verdiği bilgileri görsel ortama aktarmaya çalışmıştır. Kendi dönemindeki şamanlarla görüşmesi ve bilgi toplaması, sonrasında ise bu bilgileri eserlerinde kaydetmesi, o dönemdeki Şamanlar hakkında ve Şamanların yaptığı faaliyetler hakkında doğrudan bilgi edinmemizi sağlamaktadır. Bu bilgileri aktarırken zaman zaman yazıyı da kullanmış, yaptığı resimlerin belli kısımlarına açıklamalar yazmıştır. Bu yüzden onun eserleri Altay Şamanizmi konusunda kaynak niteliği taşımaktadır.

The formation of Russian borders and its impact on Russia's national security

The boundary problem has not only been one of the major international conflicts but one of the most sensitive and difficult issues to deal with. Russia has had or continues to have serious western and southern border problems, which may probably or already lead to many issues, such as the challenges to Russia's national security system posed by the EU's eastward expansion and the resulting Russia-Ukraine conflict. In this paper, the author will sort out the academic research results, focus on analysing the border issues where disputes and conflicts exist in Russia, summarize the potential risks and pitfalls that still exist and discuss the negative impact of these pitfalls on the Russian national security system, as well as predict the possible future research directions. Based on the formation of Russia's borders and border problems, this paper finds that the conflicts arising from Russia's borders are not only historical problems but also the root cause of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. In the context of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, the academic community should conduct an in-depth study on the problems of Russia's borders, which problems will continue to be a potential threat to Russia's national security, and what adjustments have been made to Russia's national security system in response.