Bilateral Agenda Research Articles

Physical Education, Sports and Educational Reforms: The Assistance Agreement Between the Argentine Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany (1961–1980)

Between 1961 and 1980, a group of bilateral actions were developed jointly the Argentine Republic (AR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) regarding physical education and sports. Based on these agreements, training and advice were provided for the reform of physical education teachers’ training and school physical education, the construction of infrastructure was encouraged, and sports medicine was promoted. This paper analyzes how the relationship between the FRG and the AR for the promotion of ‘sports science’ was shaped. The aim is to delve into the temporalities of the different topics and their processes of translation and approval by local actors. The analysis shows that the construction of this bilateral agenda took place in the interaction of the policies for physical education and sport of the AR and the FRG, resulting in translations and re-appropriations of the proposed programmes. In addition, the agenda was also structured by the relationship networks built for almost two decades. Understanding such nuances makes it possible to point out how these exchanges took place.

CZECH-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS AMIDST SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION

The article outlines the main trends in Czech-Ukrainian relations since the start of the special military operation in Ukraine. The main events of the bilateral agenda between Prague and Kiev were considered. The author notes that after February 24, the current Cabinet under the leadership of P. Fiala began to perceive the Ukrainian issue as a key one in the country’s foreign policy. This was manifested in the increased intensity of contacts and a qualitative change in the content of the talks. An assumption is made about bringing relations to a strategic level. Moreover, it was noted that the Czech Republic sought to promote its vision of the Ukrainian issue among partners in international organizations through innovative proposals and playing ahead of the curve.

Turkey and the United States launch a new strategic mechanism: first results and immediate prospects

The article attempts to answer the question of whether it is possible in the near future to restore full-fledged allied relations between the United States and Turkey. Their differences on a number of issues on the international and bilateral agenda are explored, and the personal approaches of Presidents Trump and Biden to their Turkish counterpart Erdogan are shown. A critical analysis of the current state of US-Turkish relations and the impact of events in Ukraine on them is presented. The potential role of the adopted new strategic cooperation mechanism is assessed and possible prospects for its influence on overcoming tensions are considered. It is shown that Washington in current relations focuses on interaction with Turkey on the Ukrainian issue, while Ankara would like to see the Biden administration treat them equally as other NATO allies, including economic and defense cooperation. So far, it is unclear whether Washington, even with sufficient diplomatic perseverance, will be able to restore trust and strategic ties with Ankara under President Erdogan. Much depends on how the issue with the supply of American F-16 fighters to Ankara is resolved, and whether Turkey approves the applications of Finland and Sweden to join NATO.

ПОЛІТИКА ІЗРАЇЛЮ В КОНТЕКСТІ ВІЙНИ РОСІЇ ПРОТИ УКРАЇНИ: РІК НЕЙТРАЛЬНОЇ ДОПОМОГИ

Ukrainian-Israeli relations have undergone significant structural changes since the start of the full-scale russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The positive pre-war dynamic of the bilateral agenda has been replaced by neutral words of support from the Israeli government and practical aloofness from the war. During the year and a half of armed aggression of the russian ederation, the government in Israel changed for three times, but each of them maintained a neutral position regarding russia's war against Ukraine, albeit with certain differences. This article is an attempt to analyze the policy of the three prime ministers of Israel - Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid and Benjamin Netanyahu - in relation to Ukraine, as well as to evaluate the geopolitical environment in the Middle East, which is the main factor behind the passivity of the State of Israel in the context of providing assistance to Ukraine. The main focus is on the public reaction, practical steps and reservations of the Israeli government regarding support for Ukraine. The political activity of each prime minister, the internal environment and national interests of the State of Israel from the point of view of decision-making in favor of Ukraine were evaluated. The geopolitical reasons for Israeli neutrality in relation to the russian war against Ukraine are analyzed.

Global Sustainability and Structural Power: The Case of Bioeconomy in a Transitional World

This article studies the incidence of the bioeconomic agenda within the ongoing technological and scientific revolution and its link with inter-regional relations, in the framework of an international system in transition. In this sense, the theory of structural power is proposed as an analytical tool to observe the power relations that can emerge in relation with the development cooperation processes and the consequent configuration of new governance articulations related to sustainable development. It also reflects on the opportunities and challenges concerning this productive paradigm and it focuses on the upcoming relevance of its agenda for the east-west relations between Russia and the European Union. The article argues that although Russia is not among the most important global competitors in the field of bioeconomy, its structural qualities gives the country an important relational power in its connections with other countries/regional configurations. Within the framework of its relations with the European Union, the development of the bioeconomy emerges as a possible scenario of negotiation and dialogue that may renew the currently conflicted bilateral agenda in the face of future development challenges. That would create possibilities to boost confidence in the sharing of scientific and technological information, and also to forge mutually beneficial inter-dependencies. Regarding the methodological strategy, the general approach consists of the premise that global systemic changes generate either incentives or restrictions for technical cooperation around scientific and technological innovation. In this framework, global changes refer both to globalization, as well as to the technological revolution and the urgency around contemporary socio-ecological challenges, and the growing importance of the bioeconomic paradigm in the multilateral spheres of international cooperation. The methodological design is based on a qualitative-exploratory case study, with an explanatory aim.

Nuclear disarmament as a catalyst for Ukrainian-American relations

The article analyzes the process of building relations between Ukraine and the USA in the first years of Ukrainian independence, trends in their development, agenda and contradictions. It is determined that the development of bilateral relations in the first half of the 1990s was marked by the sporadic political dialogue of the countries, the multidirectionality of interests and asymmetry of relations, and their agenda was limited to three main areas – political dialogue, nuclear disarmament and economic assistance. Both the administration of D. Bush Sr. and the administration of B. Clinton in the first years in office followed a Moscow-centric policy in the post-Soviet space, which left little room for Ukrainian diplomacy. The need to develop contacts with official Kyiv during this period for Washington was dictated solely by its interest in solving the nuclear issue. In turn, for the young Ukrainian state, both in the times of Leonid Kravchuk and after the second President Leonid Kuchma came to power, the American direction became one of the main foreign policy priorities. The complex process of solving the problem of nuclear disarmament of Ukraine, which became the central topic of Ukrainian-American relations in 1991–1994, is covered in detail. At the same time the approaches of the Republican and Democratic administrations to solving this problem were different. The position of the Bush administration in this matter was reduced to tough pressure and ultimatum rhetoric in order to achieve Kyiv's renunciation of nuclear weapons, which eventually led to its failure and lack of progress in the negotiations. The administration of Democrat B. Clinton, which came to power in the United States in 1993, rethought the policy towards Ukraine, offering more flexible approaches to the dialogue with Kyiv – expanded the bilateral agenda, expressed readiness to increase economic aid and discuss the provision of security guarantees. Official Kyiv in the negotiations on nuclear disarmament, despite the discussions in the Ukrainian politics, chose a bargaining strategy, seeking to extract as many economic and political dividends as possible from the United States. The interaction of flexible approaches of the USA to the nuclear issue and Ukrainian bargaining strategy resulted in the signing of the Budapest Memorandum on December 5, 1994.

Materials of the Russian Diplomatic Mission to Iran by Islen’ev and Griazev

The study investigates the materials of the Russian ambassade S. Islen’ev and M. Griazev to the court of the Qizilbash shah Safī, stored in the funds of Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. The archival file is a set of documents reflecting the process of the exchange of embassies between the Russian Tsardom and the Safavid Empire in 1635–1637. The aim of the embassy of S. I. Islen’ev and M. K. Griazev was to discuss some topical issues of bilateral relations such as duties, restitution cases, the purchase of Iranian niter etc. In addition, the documents describe the features of the court ceremonial in relation to foreign guests. The good preservation of the documents gives researchers the opportunity to study the ambassade at great length. As for the results of the embassy of Islen’ev and Griazev, they can be regarded as moderately positive. The high level of bilateral relations and their positive nature (“friendship and love”) were confirmed. In addition, the Safavid side once again confirmed the need to verify the membership of embassies and trade missions. On the other hand, the attempt of the tsar’s ambassadors to purchase niter in the shah’s possessions ended in failure. In general, the embassy of S. Islen’ev and M. Griazev was an ordinary diplomatic mission in terms of tasks and results, but this is its value for a scholar. Sustainability of the bilateral agenda and the presence of well-known “stumbling blocks” in its framework contributed to the regularity of Russian-Safavid ties.

AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY

The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, including those related to domestic policies and international relations. Domestically there have appeared contradictions between Democratic and Republican parties on a number of priority issues on the bilateral agenda. In particular, the main differences were related to the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation in Afghanistan remains an urgent problem for both sides. It is noteworthy that following the results of the last elections in the United States, the German Caucus again became active in Congress, including both democratic and republican politicians. It is clear that Biden’s administration pursues the developing of economic ties with Germany.

Resilience in the Context of the Implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement

This article examines the extent of the practice of resilience in the process of the implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA). Also, it analyses the main legislative and institutional tools promoting resilience of Ukraine’s market integration with the EU. Two cases are considered in this study. The first case is the launch of negotiations on the EU-Ukraine Agreement on Conformity and Acceptance of Industrial Products (ACAA). The second case is an EU-Ukraine Trade Dispute on Export Woods Ban. In both cases the EU institutions and Ukraine display a high degree of flexibility to pursue a policy of resilience to achieve a high degree of EU Internal Market rapprochement. In the case of Ukraine, the institutional mechanism of the EU-Ukraine AA remains unused as a forum to discuss effectively and to find solutions for impeding problems in the bilateral cooperation agenda. Therefore, a coherent, transparent, and effective institutional cooperation framework in the bilateral EU-Ukraine relations is still needed.

Relationship between Spain and Russia through shared interests: key for normalization of relations with the European Union

Since 2014 relations between the European Union and Russia have been severely affected by the sanctions policy that has been detrimental to both sides. However, Spain has not been able to stand aside from this policy. Nevertheless, Spain, maintaining a common position on sanctions against Russia out of solidarity and because of its obligations to European partners, has tried to develop bilateral relations with the Russian Federation in a positive way. Spain realizes that more unites it with Russia rather than divides. Spain and Russia have common interests and challenges not only in cultural, scientific, economic and commercial spheres of bilateral relations, but also in political areas of the global agenda such as the climate change and terrorism, the organized crime. These challenges are also common for both the European Union as a whole and Russia, and for this reason, Spain can play a role of catalyst in possible rapprochement. Without abandoning the principles and values at the heart of the European project, Spain can advance a bilateral agenda with Russia, which will contribute to the gradual building of mutual relations, including in political sphere. The ultimate goal will be achieved when the right conditions are created and the broken trust is restored. Spain could also lead this process within the European Union, since it has a more balanced position in relations with Russia than other European partners do. Thus, Spain can become a necessary and key facilitator of the dialogue and efforts to normalize relations.

National security of Mexico and USA. Between pride and ineffectivness

This article pays special attention to the genesis of relations and documents in the field of national security, which determine the relationship between Mexico and the United States, examines its framework and results, as well as the concept and constitutional foundations of national security and defense of Mexico.In this conceptual framework, it is noteworthy that in March 2021 the American delegation, headed by Roberta Jacobson, the former US Ambassador to Mexico, the White House Border Coordinator, arrived in Mexico. Both delegations announced that the talks would focus on ensuring orderly, safe and legal migration in the region and progress in implementing the Comprehensive Development Plan for the Northern Region of Central America, but in fact, the main subject of talks would was US national security. In other words, the regulation of migration flows from Mexico and the countries of the so-called Northern Triangle (Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador).The topics mentioned above are not new on the US-Mexico bilateral agenda, and in this regard, the government of President Biden seems to revise Donald Trump’s policy on migration, with a special focus on national security, using less aggressive rhetoric, without threats to continue the construction of the border wall, but, in turn, more rigid from a political point of view. In view of the above, it appeared appropriate to present the legal framework, set out primarily in the constitution, on which Mexico relies and which allows it to properly negotiate and at the same time have a clear vision on the current state of national security between the two countries.

DYNAMICS OF UKRAINIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS DURING OBAMA'S ADMINISTRATION (2014-2016)

The article analyzes the dynamics, interests of the parties, priority areas of cooperation and contradictions of Ukrainian-American relations in the post-Maid period, reveals the reasons for supporting Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression from the United States. The influence of the Revolution of Dignity on the geopolitical interests of the United States in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space is determined. It was determined that in 2014-2016. bilateral relations between Ukraine and the United States in terms of summit meetings and diplomatic support have reached their highest development in the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's independence. At the same time, they lacked practical content - specific projects and common interests.
 The American strategy for Ukraine provided for limited military assistance and diplomatic containment of the Russian Federation in order to maintain the balance of power in the region.
 Six areas were identified that formed the bilateral agenda - military-technical cooperation, political dialogue, support for reforms, the fight against corruption, energy, support for democratic institutions. The main directions of cooperation, projects and problems within each of these areas are disclosed in detail. In the context of the formation of "strategic friendship" after 2014, the parties demonstrated different diplomatic rhetoric. Ukrainian politicians emphasized the importance of strategic partnership between countries, military assistance, and American representatives put the need for economic reforms and the fight against corruption in the first place, pushing Ukrainian leaders to take appropriate action.
 It was concluded that US-Ukrainian relations at this stage were more reminiscent not of a strategic partnership, but of patronage, where Kiev, as a clientele, sought protection from Russian aggression, and the United States saw the support of the pro-Western regime in Kiev as an opportunity to strengthen its positions in Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space.

Solving the Strategic Equation: Integrating Missile Defense and Conventional Weapons in U.S.–Russian Arms Control

With the New START treaty extension, Moscow and Washington are on course for new arms control negotiations. The unprecedented breadth of the strategic bilateral agenda issues means that any future talks would entail extensive linkages and trade-off s in various spheres. The article explores two of the domains that would inevitably have to be addressed in future negotiations – missile defense and strategic conventional weapons. Missile defense was an integral part of U.S.–Russian arms control from early on, most prominently reflected in the ABM treaty of 1972. However, a deep look into the current state and trajectory of U.S. missile defense developments suggests that instead of focusing on the “strategic” interceptors in the continental U.S., the aim should be on regulating new mobile systems, which pose a more significant threat to the strategic stability and might be more amenable to limitations. Strategic conventional weapons are less clearly defined, and there is less arms control experience with dealing with them. On occasions where they were subject to arms control regulations, they were either banned or included in the strategic nuclear forceslimits. With many types of strategic conventional weapons, it does not seem that a one-size-fits-all approach is feasible. Some of the newer systems might remain too niche to have an impact on strategic stability. With the most ubiquitous strategic conventional weapons – long-range cruise missiles – a framework of asymmetric limits might be considered.

Отношения между США и Украиной (2014–2019): дилеммы союзничества

The U. S.-Ukraine relations are a multi-faceted phenomenon. Their significance goes beyond the lines of the exclusively bilateral agenda. They are an important factor in Washington’s policy of consolidating European allies around the idea of preventing the strengthening of Russia’s influence in the post-Soviet space. From Kiev’s viewpoint, the strategic cooperation with Washington is considered as an important tool to promote the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of Ukraine, and to restore its “territorial integrity” deterring Russia. Despite a significant research interest to the problems of the U.S.-Ukraine relations in the period of 2014–2019, it should be emphasized that most of authors focus on this topic only in wider international contexts or cover some particular issues (military cooperation, financial assistance, diplomatic support). Due to these conditions, the proper logic of relations between the United States and Ukraine does not always remain open and explained. In this regard, a comprehensive approach to the analysis of the U.S. policy towards Ukraine and vice versa should be regarded as an advantage of this article. The authors consider Washington’s diplomatic steps to consolidate and mobilize external support in favor of Kiev after the loss of the Ukrainian jurisdiction over Crimea, as well as an effective control over a part of the South-East regions of the country. The article also analyzes the American humanitarian and military assistance to Ukraine, and its structure. It identifies the priority sectors funded by the American government. The provision of the U.S. assistance is examined in comparison with the donor activity of international organizations (International Monetary Fund, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) and the European Union. The analysis of the American involvement in the processes of Ukrainian domestic reforms in terms of their effectiveness is also given. The authors evaluate the effectiveness of U.S.-Ukrainian cooperation through the prism of the “alliance dilemma”. Special attention is paid to difficulties and differences in relations between strategic partners, which have arisen after 2014 and outline the limits of possibilities for Washington’s influence in resolving the Ukrainian crisis.

La relación China-Alemania (2005-2018): asociación estratégica y pragmatismo económico

En este texto se analiza la trayectoria de la relación China-Alemania durante el periodo 2005-2018 y el contenido de la agenda bilateral que ambos países han impulsado. En la investigación se identifican dos prioridades compartidas: 1) la preferencia por el incremento de sus relaciones económicas y comerciales mediante el pragmatismo económico (aunque en detrimento de un diálogo sobre los valores de la buena gobernanza) y 2) el proceso de institucionalización de la agenda de cooperación bilateral por medio de la asociación estratégica integral China-Alemania. Se considera que el incremento en las relaciones de interdependencia económica es un incentivo fundamental para la ampliación de la agenda de cooperación en su asociación estratégica. De igual modo, la asociación estratégica es un espacio institucional para el acomodo de sus intereses y la diversidad de sus preferencias (por ej., el compromiso de Alemania con las relaciones transatlánticas o los principios estructurales de la política exterior de China, como el respeto a su soberanía).

Sveriges relationer med Ryssland: kontinuitet och förändring historiskt och idag

Relations between Sweden and Russia have historically been characterized by continuity and stability, despite occasional periods of friction. On the one hand, Sweden and Russia have a more active bilateral agenda than what is usually recognized, primarily in the areas of trade, investments and cultural and educational exchanges. On the other hand, there are several issues – like the Ukraine conflict, the EU Eastern Partnership, Swedish NATO cooperation and the security situation in the Baltic Sea area – involving competing claims and interests between Sweden and Russia. Further, Swedish foreign policy since the 1990s has been framed within a multilateral context, and that has a bearing on Swedish–Russian relations as well. This situation is likely to continue, unless dramatic changes occur in the political relations between Russia and the Western powers.

La nueva administración estadounidense y su impacto en la relación bilateral con México

The purpose of this essay is to reflect on the state of current relations between Mexico and the United States after the rise of President Donald Trump, which has had a significant media impact, which in turn has influenced the posture which have assumed the leaders of both countries; which has encouraged nationalist claims and the trend toward economic protectionism, as evidenced in the American case through the content of America First’s discourse and praxis. At the same time, there have been several expectations of change or continuity with regard to addressing the priority issues on the bilateral agenda, beginning with the effects on the expansion of the border «containment» wall in the face of massive influx of immigrants, The development of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), as well as aspects related to national security issues from the fight against drug cartels and the neutralization of organized crime, whose effects go beyond the bilateral to hemispheric issues.

Las relaciones cubano-estadounidenses: las necesidades políticas detrás del acuerdo

El acuerdo celebrado entre Cuba y Estados Unidos en el último diciembre de 2014 por el que se acordó la reanudación de las relaciones entre ambos países, después de más de cincuenta años de interrupción demuestra, un cambio histórico y una oportunidad recíproca. El presente artículo hace un recorrido por las relaciones bilaterales en clave histórico-política para luego revisar los hechos que desembocaron en el acuerdo teniendo en cuenta que este implicó una negociación compleja y el esfuerzo de una serie de actores heterogéneos que incluyeron desde el gobierno canadiense, funcionarios de ambos bandos hasta el propio Papa Francisco desde el Vaticano. Luego, el artículo reflexiona sobre las razones del mismo y las metas alcanzadas. Finalmente, presenta los temas pendientes a resolver en la agenda bilateral y se pregunta por el futuro próximo de las relaciones entre ambos países.

DIFFERING APPROACHES OF THE JAPANESE GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE “HISTORY ISSUES”

The beginning of the 1990s saw a prevailing understanding in Tokyo that restoration of trust and reconciliation with East Asian countries should be the first step to a larger role of Japan in the international politics. This understanding manifested itself in so far the most successful attempts to apologize for the policies of Japan in the first half of the XX century, including Prime Minister T.Murayama's statement, issued in 1995, as well as measures to address the so-called"historical issues". By contrast, incumbent Prime Minister S.Abe, who is also striving to increase the role of Japan in the international arena, shows a gradual departure from the above-mentioned strategy on presumption that a "masochistic" view of Japanese history runs counter to its national interests. His statement on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II promoted a thesis on importance to lift "the burden of apologies". Given the fact that it was nevertheless received positively by Tokyo's main ally Washington and did not become an obstacle to political dialogue with Seoul and Beijing, the author suggests that S.Abe will continue step-by-step efforts to remove "historical issues" from the bilateral political and economic agenda with China and South Korea, as well as to erase the link between the necessity to issue apologies, characteristic of the Japanese diplomacy of the 1990s, and a strategy to a larger Japan's role in international politics and security.

Kultūrinė diplomatija ir Lietuvos–Lenkijos dvišalio bendradarbiavimo patirtys

Since 2009, Lithuanian-Polish relations are described as a crisis, estrangement or pause. These terms are applied to bilateral political cooperation. However, at the same time it can be recognized that cooperation in sharedinterest areas is effective. What is more, it is worth mentioning that despite non-existing political high-level dialogue, bilateral agenda in the fields of security and defense, the EU policy, or on the local-government level is being implemented without any interruption. Cultural cooperation is not mentioned in addition to those areas. However, the cultural cooperation can have a positive impact on the general relations, because it helps within societies to form a positive attitude towards each other. Moreover, it can help with alternative ways of cooperation and stimulate people-to-people contact. Consequently, the goal of this research is to determine assumptions that are created for success of bilateral Lithuanian-Polish cooperation in the field of culture and assess the state of cultural cooperation between Poland and Lithuania.