Barry Buzan Research Articles

Analysis of citizens’ subjective perception of safe antibiotic use in European Union countries

ObjectivesAntibiotic consumption is high and varies between different European Union countries. One of the reasons could be different subjective perception of safe antibiotic use. The aim of our study was to analyse citizens’ subjective perception of safe antibiotic use in the European Union countries in the context of different antibiotic policies. Some countries are prepared comprehensive national strategies and action plans and implement many activities in different areas while other countries implement actions only in particular fields and even do not have prepared strategy or action plan. MethodsThis article is based on conception of security by Barry Buzan. Variables collected from the Special Eurobarometer public opinion on Antimicrobial Resistance in European Union countries in 2016 were used for creation the factor of subjective perception of safe antibiotic use. Six contextual factors were selected from the scientific literature and their impact on subjective perception of safe antibiotic use was investigated. ResultsHigh differences in subjective perception of safe antibiotic use were observed in countries despite general European Union recommendations on antibiotic policy. The highest subjective perception of safe antibiotic use was in Netherlands, Finland, Sweden, Luxembourg, and Denmark. Significant negative correlation was observed between factor of subjective perception of safe antibiotic use and antibiotic consumption (r=−0.41, p<0.05). Created factor of information and communication technology (ICT) development, gross domestic product (GDP) and health expenditure had impact on subjective perception of safe antibiotic use (t=4.69, p<0.01). Consumption of antibiotics also had influence on subjective perception of safe antibiotic use (t=−2.43, p<0.05). ConclusionsIndividuals’ subjective perception of safe antibiotic use which is related to antibiotic consumption highly varies between different EU countries despite general EU recommendations on antibiotic policies and depends on ICT development, GDP, health expenditure and consumption of antibiotics.

Comparison of subjective perception of safe antibiotic use between European Union states

ObjectivesIrresponsible antibiotic use is a major problem worldwide. European Union (EU) states implement antibiotic policy which aim is to reduce antibiotic use. Subjective perception of safe antibiotic use (PSAU) can be one of the factors which may affect antibiotic use. This study aimed to measure and to determine progress and tendency of subjective PSAU and its changes in 28 EU states with different implementation of antibiotic policies during the period of 2009–2016. MethodsSubjective PSAU was analysed by implementing Barry Buzan’s theory. Data from the Eurobarometer public opinion on ``Antimicrobial Resistance'' were used to establish subjective PSAU index. 28 EU states were ranked according to this index. ResultsAnalysis of variables showing subjective PSAU showed that majority of them increased in 2016. Subjective PSAU indexes were low and did not differ significantly in separate clusters, composed according to achievements in implementation of antibiotic policies, between 2009 and 2016. Increase of subjective PSAU index was observed in 22 countries in 2016. The highest subjective PSAU index belonged to Sweden (59.3%), whereas the lowest index was estimated in Greece (47.7%) in 2016. On the basis of cluster analysis, EU states were divided into five subgroups according to the level of subjective PSAU. Implementation of antibiotic policies did not have significant effect on subjective PSAU (t = −0.7, p = 0.47). ConclusionsDespite common EU antibiotic policy high differences in subjective PSAU were observed between EU states. According to our study, antibiotic policy plays a small role in subjective PSAU.

Discourses of Exclusion: The Societal Securitization of Burma’s Rohingya (2012–2018)

The contemporary persecution of Burma’s Rohingya has rapidly evolved from isolated episodes of communal violence into a global humanitarian crisis. The article analyses the evolution of the recent violence in Rakhine State from 2012 to the present. Specifically, I argue that Buddhist nationalist monks, including members of the ‘969’ Movement and Ma Ba Tha, in concert with the Burmese government, have acted as authoritative voices in society, depicting the Rohingya ethno-religious group as an existential threat to the country’s majority Buddhist population. As such, hate-filled rhetoric has provided a politically unstable Burmese regime with an ideological justification for human rights abuses committed in Rakhine State. This phenomenon is analysed through Barry Buzan and Ole Waever’s securitization thesis as a means of better understanding the discursive relationship among Buddhist nationalist monks, the Burmese government and the Burmese Buddhists. Ontologically, this article focuses on anti-Rohingya discourse and major episodes of violence in western Burma’s Rakhine State from 2012 to 2018. As a discursive process, securitization has not merely amplified Islamophobia within Burma, but significantly endangers future generations of Rohingya civilians.

(Book Review) The India Pakistan Nuclear Relationship: Theories of Deterrence and International Relations by Eswaran Sridharan

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; The book titled ‘The India Pakistan Nuclear Relationship: Theories of Deterrence and International Relations’ offers a collection of insightful articles by different Indian and Pakistani authors. As the title suggests, the scholarship contained in the book mainly deals with the South Asian nuclear posture. The study further aims at examining the question of adequacy of deterrence and international relations theories at explaining the nuclearization doctrine of the two countries. The book also takes into account the cold war experience of deterrence and the application of those experiences to the episodic conflicts between India and Pakistan. It is a comprehensive study of nuclear doctrines of two competitors that explains theoretical relevance to nuclearization in the light of historic antagonism between the two countries. It paves the way to understand the transition that the Indian and Pakistani nuclear doctrine has been through. In doing so, the authors have also based much of their work on the monumental contributions of Barry Buzan, Ole Weaver, Bernard Brodie, Glenn Snyder and others. The passages offer a general chapter- based analysis of the publications in the book.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

SEKURITISASI PENANGANAN ISU PENGUNGSI DI SWEDIA: BERHASIL ATAU GAGALKAH?

This paper will explain about the securitization process in addressing refugees issue in Sweden from 2010 to 2015. This research uses the concept of securitization from Barry Buzan. Some important things which Buzan explained to analyze the process of securitization, such as: Referent Object (Actors), Existential Threats (things or issues that become threats), will proceed to be “Securitizing Move” by “Speech Act”. This paper uses qualitative method which is arranged descriptively with support by secondary data. This paper found that the process of securitization on refugee policies in Sweden from 2010 to 2015 is supported by Sweden Democrats Party and gained the response of Swedish anti-immigrant society, they are conducting the “Speech Act” sustainably. The result is that Sweden’s open policy on refugees has changed by restricting and tightening policy of refugee.

The English School: a new triad

Barry Buzan’s reformulation of the English School marked one of the most important developments in international relations (IR) theory over the past 15 years. Buzan sought to scientifically reconstruct the English School creating a return to grand theory. This article is a critical investigation of Buzan’s reformulation, aiming to discover whether the English School lost or gained as a result. If the School gained, we are presented with an explanatory grand theory that can explain IR throughout time. If the School lost, we may have to return to the approach of the classical English School characterised by Martin Wight and Hedley Bull, or to the post-classical approach of James Der Derian. This article will present a new English School triad employing Buzan’s, the classical and post-classical English School.

Conceptualizing world society

Despite Barry Buzan’s significant attempt to conceptualize world society, a set of questions pertaining to world society remain highly debated and are taken as central concerns to our investigation in this special issue. For example, what is the relationship between international and world society? Does the idea of world society promote or undermine international society? Does international society provide the basis for the development of world society and under what conditions? In which areas could we observe the development of a world society? Are there primary world society institutions? What is the distinct contribution of an English School conception of a world society to the study of international relations? Is world society thinking related to other theoretical approaches to the study of international relations and how? Can the normative, historical, and analytical approaches to the concept of a world society be reconciled? Is the concept of a world society the key to resolving the pluralist–solidarist debate and can this debate illuminate the concept of a world society? Do the different senses of a world society in the literature of the English need to be terminologically distinguished? These questions need to be revisited in order to advance the English School world society debate and tighten the English School’s theoretical coherence and to maintain its relevance.

Bored enough yet? International order, ideology, and what it takes to get history started again

Order needs an ideational foundation that provides it with legitimacy. Most scholars writing on international order, though they employ fundamentally different approaches and intellectual histories, appear to agree on this. This book review essay contrasts some of these different perspectives. It reviews Francis Fukuyama's eminent The end of history and the last man and asks what it can tell us about the ideational and psychological conditions underlying change in the international order. This discussion is integrated with a review of three more recent works on order formation and change: Richard Haass focuses on the distribution of material power, Barry Buzan and George Lawson discuss the transformational impact of the nineteenth century on international relations and Andrew Phillips and J. C. Sharman look at the relationship between divergence of polity forms and order. I argue that the post-Second World War order, which rests on liberal democracy as the consensually agreed on ideational foundation, remains firmly in place—despite challenges from nationalism, authoritarianism or religious fanaticism. However, there are three ways in which a new order could be brought about: power shifts leading to hegemonic war, wild cards or the emergence of a new ideational foundation that poses a feasible alternative to liberal democracy.

ZNACZENIE REPUBLIKI BIAŁORUSI W SYSTEMIE BEZPIECZEŃSTWA ŚWIATOWEGO

The Republic of Belarus is a state that, through its location between the Russian Federation (RF) and the members states of the European Union (EU) and NATO, plays an important role in the security system in the region. On the one hand, through a number of dependencies it is closely related to the Kremlin authorities, on the other hand it tries to balance the influence of the larger neighbor through some steps towards closer cooperation with the West. Therefore, a closer look at the importance of Belarus in the European security system seems to be extremely vital, especially considering the current international situation – the annexation of Crimea and the conflict in eastern Ukraine, as well as the system of sanctions imposed on the Russian Federation as a result of these events. The abovementioned examples clearly indicate the direction of actions of the Russian authorities, which are increasingly defending their own interests in the post-Soviet area. All those decisive actions, that were undertaken in order to prevent even the threat of losing influence, must certainly be important for Belarusian security policy. The purpose of this article is to define the role and place of the Republic of Belarus in the global security system. The study was conducted on the basis of Barry Buzan’s theory, which links issues of national and international security, while paying attention to a number of interdependencies resulting from the globalization process. Therefore, both the internal determinants of the Belarusian security policy and international issues were analyzed, including the role of state and non-state actors, having a direct impact on shaping the global security system. The applied research method is a method of system analysis in its macro approach, which allows the presentation of the global security system as a series of separate, but closely related elements, additionally supported by a quantitative method in relation to the security system’s conditions. As a result of the conducted research, the significance of the Republic of Belarus in the global security system was considered high, mainly due to the geopolitical location of that specific country. Following thesis was formulated on the basis of a number of factors, the most important of which are: 1) the remain of Belarus in the Russian sphere of influence, for which the Moscow authorities are not afraid to pay with numerous crises in the international arena (the case of Ukraine); 2) a high level of integration of both countries in the field of security policy; 3) the key significance of the government’s rhetoric and political decisions in Minsk, relevant not only to the policy making of this particular country, but also to security in Europe. At this stage, however, it is difficult to talk about the Belarusian will to integrate with Western structures, because this step would, first of all, require significant internal changes, for which the regime of Alexander Lukashenko is not ready. In connection with the above, it is likely that Belarus will remain in alliance with the Russian Federation and that cooperation between the two countries will further tighten. Key words: Republic of Belarus; Russian Federation; NATO; Ukraine; security; armament.

Europe and its southern neighbors

The paper analyzes European Union – Middle East and North Africa (EU-MENA) relations from the perspective of complex interdependencies. As a theoretical framework, it outlines the application of Barry Buzan’s Security Complex Theory on the Euro-Mediterranean (or EU-MENA) region-pair. This involves the provision of a general overview on the several sectors of interdependence between the two regions, namely the military, political, economic, societal and environmental sectors. The paper then turns towards the deeper elaboration of the economic sector and identifies it as the most potent sector for European activism, where the Union could work most effectively on building a long-term solution for the stabilization of the MENA. As conclusions, the paper argues for a deeper economic integration between the two regions, which would provide opportunities for the MENA’s population to be economically successful “at home”, therefore reducing not only the highly visible migration pressure on the EU, but also other security threats such as civil wars, organized crime and weapon proliferation.

Small arms and conflict among East African pastoralists: the Karamoja (in)security complex

AbstractWhile the conceptual models on conflict, security and regionalism have evolved and augmented with time, East African pastoral relations remain subject to simplistic explanatory analyses that view pastoral conflicts as cross-border community conflicts and small arms as part of their cultural heritage. This article strives to find a more nuanced understanding of the relations of pastoralist communities and the role of arms in the perennial cross-border conflict. It uses a regional security complex (RSC) approach, first proposed by Barry Buzan and subsequently moulded in ‘new regionalism’ perspectives, which emphasizes the intricate web of pastoralist relations shaped by their need for security, where their identity and livelihood (cattle) remain at the centre. Taking this further, it develops the concept of a Karamoja security complex (KSC) as an appropriate explanatory framework. Through historical analysis and primary data collected among the Nyàngatom in Ethiopia, the research reveals a regular and complex pattern of conflict moulded primarily by the fundamental need for security.

The Global Transformation: Critical reflections on the historical sociology of the long nineteenth century

AbstractGeorge Lawson and Barry Buzan's The Global Transformation advances the claim that International Relations (IR) has mistakenly overlooked the Long Nineteenth Century as a transformative era. They argue this period saw a shift in the mode of power, i.e. how power was utilised and expressed, and not merely a change in how it was distributed amongst competing political entities. The following offers a sympathetic critique of their theoretical claims. Highlighting the role of geopolitics and the societal changes of the public sphere, the article argues that the historical sociological method utilised by these authors is ‘neither realist nor liberal enough’.

Explanation, geopolitics, and liberalism: A reply to Luke Cooper

Journal of Historical SociologyVolume 31, Issue 1 p. e92-e97 RESPONSE Explanation, geopolitics, and liberalism: A reply to Luke Cooper Barry Buzan, Barry BuzanBarry Buzan is Professor Emeritus in the International Relations Department at LSE. George Lawson is Associate Professor in International Relations at LSE. Many thanks to Luke Cooper for his astute comments on our book, and to the editors of the journal for their support for this exchange.Search for more papers by this authorGeorge Lawson, George LawsonBarry Buzan is Professor Emeritus in the International Relations Department at LSE. George Lawson is Associate Professor in International Relations at LSE. Many thanks to Luke Cooper for his astute comments on our book, and to the editors of the journal for their support for this exchange.Search for more papers by this author Barry Buzan, Barry BuzanBarry Buzan is Professor Emeritus in the International Relations Department at LSE. George Lawson is Associate Professor in International Relations at LSE. Many thanks to Luke Cooper for his astute comments on our book, and to the editors of the journal for their support for this exchange.Search for more papers by this authorGeorge Lawson, George LawsonBarry Buzan is Professor Emeritus in the International Relations Department at LSE. George Lawson is Associate Professor in International Relations at LSE. Many thanks to Luke Cooper for his astute comments on our book, and to the editors of the journal for their support for this exchange.Search for more papers by this author First published: 11 July 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/johs.12160 Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume31, Issue1Special Issue: War, revolt and rupture: The historical sociology of the current crisis in the Middle EastMarch 2018Pages e92-e97 RelatedInformation

Two roads to world society: Meyer’s ‘world polity’ and Buzan’s ‘world society’

If we are looking for sociological theories that spell out the institutions of the emerging world society, we have two main choices: John Meyer and his students from the Stanford-based world polity school and Barry Buzan, based at the London School of Economics and from the English School ‘world society’ stable. Meyer first put forward his ideas of an emerging ‘world polity’ in the 1970s, while Buzan came forward with his schema only latterly, in his 2004 From International Society to World Society. The two theories contend in both processes and the role of major institutions, but agree to a surprising extent on identities and transformational routes. Both theories have a good deal to say about the requirements for a world society and the institutions that comprise it, and a comparison between them reveals a good deal about how to theorize world society and what a plausible sociological theory would require.

O Iraque enquanto estado falido é um fator de perturbaçãoe instabilidade do sistema internacional

Após os atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, o cenário global vislumbrou uma nova perspectiva quanto a importância da segurança internacional e, somadoao tema dos Estados Falidos, ganhou notoriedade na política e na academia. No transcorrer deste artigo, é enfatizado as raízes dos denominados Estados Falidos e todo oenredo envolvendo o fenômeno da globalização e do terrorismo, fcando evidente queesta problemática alcançou uma proporção muito maior no século XXI, auferindo lugar de destaque na agenda internacional. Esta pesquisa analisa que, o Iraque enquantoEstado Falido é um fator de perturbação e instabilidade do Sistema Internacional. Omaterial utilizado na pesquisa foi coletado de autores renomados internacionalmente,utilizando-se vasto referencial em inglês, dos quais pode-se citar Barry Buzan, SamuelHuntington, Fukuyama e Alessandro Visacro, bem como artigos científcos. Ainda, utiliza-se o Fragile States Index para evidenciar a situação do Iraque como Estado Falido e a invasão americana no País em 2003, como um dos fatores que levaram a nação a umaprofundamento nesta condição. Por fm, é explorada a fragilidade do Estado Iraquianofrente ao Estado Islâmico e as implicações desta condição para o sistema internacional.

HIV/AIDS in China and India: Governing Health Security, by Catherine Yuk-Ping Lo. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. xv+280 pp. £65.00/US$100.00 (cloth); also available as an eBook.

<i>HIV/AIDS in China and India: Governing Health Security</i>, by Catherine Yuk-Ping Lo. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. xv+280 pp. £65.00/US$100.00 (cloth); also available as an eBook.

An overview of the Copenhagen school’s approach to security studies: constructing (in)security through performative power

Security has generally posed a challenge to those who have attempted to reach an ideal, comprehensive and encompassing definition of the concept. Orthodox perspectives have mainly focused on the state as a “harbinger” of security that defends its territory and citizens against external enemies through the acquisition of military grade weapons. Neorealist theorist, Stephen Walt defines security as “the study of threat, use, and control of military force” (1991, 212). Since security is a seemingly self-explanatory concept, it has also been rather underdeveloped to the point that International Relations theorist Barry Buzan argues that before the ‘80s, “conceptual literature on security” was rather neglected if not, a sorely absent field of inquiry (1983, 3-4). Buzan himself, along with Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, proposed a new research agenda for security as evidenced in the book: “Security: A New Framework for Analysis” (1997). These authors are regarded as the main representatives of what today we refer to as the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. The present article provides an analysis of the Copenhagen School’s “good practices” on security and securitization as speech acts (Mutimer 2016, 93) and intersubjective processes (de Graaf 2011, 11), in order to address the performative power behind the contemporaneous security architecture and the security practices of threat construction.

Sekuritisasi Kabut Asap di Singapura, 1997-2014

Transboundary haze pollution is one of environmental problems in ASEAN that had caused serious impact toward some countries in the region, include Singapore. Due to the failure of Indonesian government in controlling the forest and land conflagration, Singapore conducted securitization against haze issue. This research aims to explain haze securitization concluded by Singapore government in 1997-2014. This research employs’s Barry Buzan theory on securitization. This research pound that haze securitization was successfully conducted by Singapore goverment with variety of efforts, such as sending memorandum to Indonesian government, ratification of ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP), bilateral cooperation to overcome the haze problem and announcing the Transboundary Haze Pollution Act. However, the securitization did not influence Indonesia and Singapore bilateral relations.Keywords: transboundary haze pollution, Indonesia, securitization, Singapore

WORLD REGIONAL STUDIES AS A RESEARCH FRAMEWORK AND ACADEMIC DISCIPLINE

Dynamic development of international processes at the regional level, various trajectories of regionalization in Europe, Asia, Latin America and other parts of the world created a complex and multidimensional picture of the contemporary international relations. However Social Sciences and IR retained a distinct eurocentrism. This eurocentrism only partly meant that students of IR did not take into account non-European or non-Western realities. Thus, a German Scholar J. Vullers from German Institute of Global and Area Studies analyzing in 2014 three leading International Relations journals (International Organization, World Politics, European Journal of International Relations) diagnosed a serious geographic imbalance in the international studies, which meant a very limited number of articles based on the nonWestern empirical data.Even with such geographic imbalance in IR studies more important for preserving eurocentrism there was the absence of non-Western IR theories or IR theories originating from non-Western political context. The collective monograph edited by Barry Buzan and Amitav Acharya focused exactly on this problem. The title of the book was provocatively asking why there is no non-Western IR theory. Thus, the book in question provoked a lively academic debate on the topic. Russia was not covered in this book. Therefore, this very fact gives one some reasons to reflect on how Russian research in the field may face a double challenge of a changing international environment and an inappropriate level of its intellectual assessment. Against this background this article analyzes World Regional Studies, a research framework and discipline, which is rapidly developing in Russia and may to some extent contribute to a more correct understanding of the international processes.

SECURITIZATION OF GREAT BRITAIN: NEW SECURITY STRATEGY — 2015 AND DAVID CAMERON’S SECURITY PERSPECTIVES

Realities of international relations in the case of challenges to modern securityshould be regarded through the prism of different theories and methodologies. Inthe current article the author tries to analyze foreign policy of Great Britain (22d ofNovember 2015 National Security strategy came into force after six years without it) in the sphere of international security with the usage of main theoretical provisions of securitization theory. The subsistent article contains securitization concepts which were designed by founding fathers of this theory — Barry Buzan and Olli Viver. Also, Russian political scientists — Vyacheslav Morozov, Andrey Makarychev and Olga Yakushina are mentioned in this article.