Baby Sitter Research Articles

Diaspora Strategy and Poverty Alleviation in East Java Indonesia

The paper aims to contribute to the scholarly interest in the diaspora strategy to interrogate the assumption underlying the Migration-as-Development (MAD) discourse. Then the specific research question is about the possibility of the poor seizes the opportunity to work as migrant worker. Before offering tentative assumption for diaspora theory, the paper explores the premise of diaspora theory and the context of diaspora implementation in Indonesia, which also constitutes policy review and stakeholder analysis. The policy review offers supporting evident of the unfinished agenda of diaspora policy. The stakeholder analysis indicates that the diaspora strategy has been hampered by conflict of interest among the local government, migrant worker organizations and the recruitment agencies. A series of stakeholders meeting during local development planning has offered contrasting conceptualizations to the idea of MAD. The advocacies also raised competition among the local nongovernment organizations for funding, while the migrant workers still struggle to deal with huge risk of migration and rely on their family to manage the remittances.Turning to the challenging issue of diaspora assumption, this paper indicates that initiative to go abroad is almost impossible for the poor if he or she notices a high possibility for the employer to cheat those who work in domestic jobs, like nanny, driver, or baby sitter. Unless protection from both house and home countries is available, the diaspora strategy is not a better option for the migrant-work applicant. Then the tentative hypothesis about the assumption of diaspora strategy comes to perfect-competition market, which calls for perfect information, fair competition, and perfect structural industry. Otherwise, the strong government intervention needs overcome the market failure.

De (baby) Sitter overlaps

In this note we employ methods borrowed from spin glass theory to study the phase space structure of fields in an inflating universe. In particular, we compute the overlap distribution of a suitably coarse-grained, massless scalar on a (1+1)-dimensional (hence baby) de Sitter background, and find that (after an appropriate shift and rescaling) it is given by a Gumbel distribution. We also calculate the triple overlap distribution of this system, whose characteristic function turns out to be a product of two Gumbel factors.

Automatic Cradle Movement For Infant Care

Our project is a novel approach in designing an automatic cradle swinging system for assisting infant care. This equipment can be mainly used in the hospitals to provide an aid to the nurse in taking care of the infant or at home to monitor the baby while the parent is at work and the baby is under the care of baby sitters. It has a cry analyzing system which detects the babies cry pitch and accordingly the cradle rocks. At the maximum it could have six rocks per minute. If the baby doesn’t stop crying within a particular instant of time a call or a message will be delivered to the nurse or to the parent’s mobile number via GSM , thus intimating them that the baby has to be taken care of. In addition to this it has a wet sensor, temperature sensor and a respiration sensor. If the baby wets an alarm or a display will be intimating in the case of wet sensor and for temperature sensor, if the baby’s temperature rises above the normal body temperature then an alarm and a display message would intimate that the baby has to be taken care of. We use respiration sensor here to detect the apnea condition and to wake up the baby by giving a vibration.

Masseter nerve as “baby sitter” procedure in short-term facial paralysis

The classical “babysitter procedure” to maintain the muscle tone of the affected paralyzed face using the hypoglossal nerve was copied using the masseter nerve. With this procedure, a nerve graft is not required and less time is necessary to recover muscle tone.

Limited Attention and Income Distribution

Economists have long been interested in the idea that there is a direct circular relation between poverty and low productivity, and not just one that is mediated by market failures, usually in asset markets. The nutrition-based efficiency wage model (Partha Dasgupta and Debraj Ray, 1987) is the canonical example of models where this happens: However it has been variously suggested (see for example T. N. Srinivasan, 1994) that the link from nutrition to productivity and especially the link from productivity to nutrition is too weak to be any more than a small part of the story. Partha Dasgupta himself acknowledges this when he writes nutrition-productivity construct provides a metaphor,..., for ... an economic environment harboring poverty traps (Partha Dasgupta, 1997, page 5). We propose an alternative approach to this question based on the idea that attention is a scarce resource that is important for productivity. Specifically, people may not be able to fully attend to their jobs if they are also worrying about problems at home and being distracted in this way reduces productivity. But not paying attention at home is also costly: early symptoms of a child's sickness may go unnoticed; water may run out at the end of the day; kerosene for lighting lamps at home might run out and make it hard to do homework; etc. Finally, the extent to which home life distracts depends on the nature of home life. Specifically, certain goods (e.g. a good baby sitter, a 24-hour piped water supply, a connection to a power supply grid) can reduce the extent of home life distraction. These three assumptions generate an interesting relation between income and productivity that is at the core of our model. The non-poor in this model, by virtue of owning distraction-saving goods and services at home, are able to focus more on their work. Hence they will be more productive at work and will be able to afford more distraction-saving goods. This simple two-way relationship between in(This abstract was borrowed from another version of this item.)

Delayed death in sudden infant death syndrome: A San Diego SIDS/SUDC Research Project 15-year population-based report

A fraction of SIDS cases have death delayed by successful CPR, yet they have not been compared to SIDS cases which were found dead or not successfully resuscitated. Our aims were to: (1) determine the percent of SIDS cases in the San Diego SIDS Research Project database for whom death was delayed by CPR and subsequent life support; (2) compare demographics, circumstances of death and autopsy findings of delayed death SIDS cases (delayed SIDS) with those whose deaths were not delayed (non-delayed SIDS); (3) examine the evolution of pathologic changes in delayed SIDS as a function of survival interval. A retrospective 15-year population-based study of 454 infant deaths attributed to SIDS revealed 29 delayed SIDS cases (Group I) and 425 non-delayed SIDS cases (Group II). Group I cases were significantly older than Group II cases (mean age 132 days vs. 102 days and p < 0.0001). Eighty-nine percent of the Group I cases were discovered between 08.00 and 19.59 h; none were found between 00.00 and 07.59 h, compared to 38% of the Group II cases. Group I infants were found significantly more often away from home (at daycare, or at the home of a relative, friend, or baby sitter) than Group II infants (45% vs. 25%, p < 0.05). There were no differences between groups with regard to gender, gestational age, type of delivery, bed sharing, URI within 48 h of death, ALTEs, a history of referral to child protective services, body position when placed or found, or face position when found. Pathologic changes were semiquantitatively evaluated; findings were characteristic of anoxic–ischemic injury that generally became more severe with increasing survival intervals. Anoxic–ischemic brain injury was the immediate cause of death in all delayed SIDS cases. Aspiration of gastric contents was identified in Group I cases surviving less than 48 h and was the likely etiology of acute bronchopneumonia occurring in 83% of the Group I cases. We did not identify factors that would reliably predict which SIDS cases might be discovered soon enough to allow earlier and more effective CPR and survival without permanent brain injury.

Domesticating the Lesbian?

Domesticating the Lesbian?

Immediate Psychological Support for Children after a Disaster: A Concept

Immediate Psychological Support for Children after a Disaster: A Concept

You Stole My Life, Jill Whelan

BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA, 1978. Mom tells my sister Elena and me that she's entered us in a contest. She says the winner joins The Love Boat cast as the son or daugh ter of Captain Stubing. We don't have a TV, but every chance we get Elena and I watch The Love Boat and Fantasy Island on Saturday nights. I'm nine years old and Elena's five. We have no idea these shows represent some of the cheesiest moments in television his tory. We talk friends, neighbors, and baby sitters into this two-hour commitment. We're persuasive, or, maybe, just pathetic.

Barter

EXCERPT FROM LEARNING TO FLY: A MEMOIR Barter_______________________________ Mary Lee Settle Editor's note: This is a completely unedited chapterfrom Mary Lee Settle 's memoir, forthcomingfrom W. W. Norton, reprinted here exactly as she left it by permissionfrom herfamily, her editor and her agent. On my twenty first birthday I danced a Viennese waltz with Prince Serge Oblenski on the St Regis roof. I wore an ice blue satin evening dress which had been bought for me to take to Sweetbriar. But I was sent to New York instead. It was, inadvertently, my mother's decision. It had to do with condemnation rights, the PWA and Franklin Roosevelt, all of which had, in Miss Addie's words, saved their bacon. Although she hadn't voted for him, Miss Addie accepted Roosevelt, but she hated Henry Wallace, the Secretary of Agriculture because he had little pigs killed when people were hungry. None of this seemed to affect me at the time. I was busy getting on my mother's nerves down river in Charleston. I was, for her, an ever present finger nail on a blackboard. She loved silence and being alone. I can understand now, but then it was a wall I kept trying to climb, demanding that she at least notice me that only once succeeded. One morning she noticed me enough to throw a shoe at me, the only time I ever saw her lose the cliff edge poise she so needed in such a dark time. When the bedroom slipper hit my arm I knew that she knew that I was there. I have never forgotten it. For a little while, I respected and liked her. Her dreams had clashed with mine, and there was nothing that she could do about it except ignore mine, control them, or put them down with a famous wit in her family that bit like a snake. Her dreams were finally coming true, and I was in their way. I was going to become a classic actress, preferably Shakespeare. This was not, to me, a hope, but a fact. It had been since I climbed the attic stairs at the Mason School of Music when I was nine, and found Mr. Maurice Drew, an ex-actor. Maybe he had been flotsam from a showboat. I never knew what had marooned him in Charleston, West Virginia. I only know that a long road began with a climb up the stairs to the attic of the Mason School of Music. We studied Shakespeare together when my parents thought I was learning "pieces", and getting 41 rid of what they had decided was a speech impediment. It was their conscious decision. The overwhelming force behind it, never recognized , was that my mother was a woman with a desperate need to be alone as others need food. So Mr. Drew was my baby sitter every Wednesday afternoon. Then the miracles began to happen. Roosevelt was elected. Nobody who did not live through that time can imagine the impact of that election. My father, as a civil engineer, was prosperous for the first time since the mine he managed until I was six, closed. He could help fight the depression by putting people to work. He recovered from the agonizing tic dolorosa which had hounded him for years. Then there was the third miracle which was not a miracle except to my mother. The state of West Virginia condemned the air over the family house at Cedar Grove where my mother's parents, and then for years, her widowed mother, had raised a family. During the depression she had been a great tree under which her children all sheltered, including my mother. A ramp was to be built over what my grandmother called her piece of property, and my mother called the estate. I guess it made it less painful to fly over the little coal town where the tenant houses were neglected, except when Miss Addie took hammer and nails and fixed what she could. They sagged, human looking and sad, as if they had been left out in the rain. But by the good fortune of receiving her share of the condemnation rights, where...

Writing in Multiple Genres

Writing in Multiple Genres Maxine Kumin (bio) Fifty years ago, before I even dared seek validation as a poet, I honed what was to be my craft by writing four and eight-line light verse fillers for the slicks – Ladies' Home Journal, Saturday Evening Post, the long-defunct New York Herald Tribune, even the Wall Street Journal. I was at that time a stay-at-home mother with two small children and a third on the way – in the oven, as we say of foals. On the weekends when my sainted spouse took over as minder and bottle washer I escaped into Boston to spend hours in the Medical Library on the Fenway tracking down sources to cite in the papers I ghost-wrote for several doctors at five dollars an hour – munificent pay back then, when baby sitters were for hire at thirty-five cents per hour, fifty if they did the ironing as well. Thank god, we no longer iron. By the end of the fifties I was a lightly published poet and a part-time instructor in English at Tufts University, one of the first two women ever hired in that department, but only licensed to teach freshman composition to the physical education majors and the dental technicians (but that's another story) . . . Meanwhile, I'd made the switch from light verse to serious. My first book, Halfway, came out in 1961, thanks to the late Dudley Fitts, who was then judging the Yale Series of Younger Poets competition. He had chosen George Starbuck but sought out publishers for the finalists. I was one of them and by virtue of his good offices I landed a contract with Holt, Rinehart and Winston. They published a thousand copies; seven hundred of these, it is rumored, were eventually pulped. By the end of the sixties I had written and published two novels. They each, not too mysteriously, grew out of what I considered overage – leftover material that would not compress into poems. Maybe this is why I never saw a sharp line of demarcation [End Page 5] between poetry and prose. As Enid Shomer has pointed out, "[t]he conceptualization of poetry and prose as essentially different and discrete rather than being part of a larger creative whole may . . . be one of the factors that has produced the flattened out 'McPoem' and the 'McStory.'" I agree; as she puts it, "the engine that drives a piece of writing" is its narrative thrust, and this holds true in every genre. The narrative thrust for my first novel was direct. My father had recently died; I had written two not very distinguished elegies but there was so much left unsaid about our father–daughter relationship fraught with suppressed emotion that it poured onto the page over a period of eleven months. The typewriter page, I want to add, with the added mess of tending to carbon paper and second sheets. The title was Through Dooms of Love, from the E. E. Cummings poem, "my father moved through dooms of love, through same of am, through haves of give. . . ." Harper & Row published the novel in 1965. The protagonist is a pawnbroker's daughter, which is to say, myself. While organizing for the CIO she is investigated by the FBI; an agent calls on her father, who is outraged and threatens to yank her out of college. Well, every first novel, it has been said, is autobiographical and certainly mine is no exception. In a poem, you select, invent, abbreviate, heighten, use all the tools of metaphor and meter to bring your poem to fruition. In fiction, it seems to me, you do much the same but you have more room to do it in, which is what makes writing fiction so seductive. The second novel of that period, The Passions of Uxport, also Harper & Row, came out in 1968. It's a big, sprawling novel that attempts to tie together the lives of two couples, their marriages at crisis point. There are adolescent twins dealing with their own emotional crises, a dying child, and an obsessed, let us say disturbed handyman character, whose compulsion leads him to clean road kill off the...

Nelly's Version

Nelly's Version

Vulvar trauma in a young girl

The patient is a 5-year-old girl, who presents to the emergency department with the complaint of vaginal bleeding after a fall. The patient was playing on the monkey bars, and, while racing with her brothers, she fell, striking the metal bars between her legs. She describes the bar as smooth with no areas of extension or spikes. The patient was observed by her brothers and the baby sitter when this happened. The patient went home, but the baby sitter noticed continued vaginal bleeding while bathing the girl and brought her to the emergency room.

Reading, Intimacy, and the Role of Uncle Remus in White Southern Social Memory

You see, my grandmother explained me that when a black woman went into a white family's house as cook and baby sitter, this is role of mother.... [T]hat child is nurtured by whoever that person is, but somewhere that child learns segregate himself, that he's better. She said, So I really believe they hold classes at night. Mazie Williams, Birmingham, Alabama WHEN JOEL CHANDLER HARRIS PUBLISHED HIS FIRST UNCLE REMUS folktales in Atlanta Constitution in 1879 and 1880, white southern readers scarcely waited ink dry before they began offering personal testimonials authenticity of white Georgia author's representations of black character and plantation life. Some, like Barton N. Harrison, also gave impromptu readings. A southern-born lawyer living in New York City, Harrison eagerly clipped reprints of stories that appeared in New York World and Evening Post. Unfolding clippings, which he carried in pocketbook, he read tales of Brer Rabbit, Brer Fox, and other creeturs, as told by Harris's ex-slave narrator, Uncle Remus, to all sorts of companies, at dinner parties & elsewhere (& always with shouts of laughter), until clippings were fairly worn out. For these white northern audiences, Harris's stories were, as Harrison reported in a March 1880 letter Constitution, the first pictures of genuine negro life in South. (1) Curiously, Harrison had a harder time convincing a white southern politician of accuracy of Harris's portraits. Although Senator Lamar (probably Lucius Q. C. Lamar of Mississippi) enjoyed story, his relish was less keen than mine, Harrison reflected, for single reason, I thought, that he has been so recently negroes as not perceive delicate touches of art in putting them on stage. Lamar's response led Harrison intriguing conclusion that to fully appreciate wonderful skill [Harris] has shown in negro dialect, and rare genius as a dramatist in reproducing scenes, incidents and characters of plantation life, one must perhaps be, as I am, separated by weary years of time and long miles of space from haunts of childhood. (2) Harrison's conclusion seems remarkable given emphasis on authenticity of Harris's work throughout rest of letter. Didn't Harrison realize that he was undercutting own argument by suggesting that both Harris's fiction and own reaction it were essentially nostalgic? And if Harris's work was so graphic and genuine, why must white southern readers be separated from rather than among negroes, as Senator Lamar was, appreciate Harris's depiction of a black character type? Harrison might have explained that he was making a distinction between older and younger generations of blacks, for, as he also put it in letter, the conditions of negro life are so changed since war that, in another generation, negroes themselves will almost have forgotten homely and unpretentious legends of time of slavery that Harris's work had preserved. (3) A better explanation lies in fact that Barton Harrison and other white southern readers of Harris's Uncle Remus stories were in process of constructing social memory--and not simply remembering South of their childhoods. This essay examines that process. Analyzing both production and consumption of Uncle Remus stories, I ask how Harris, a white southern author, was able capture both subversive spirit of African American folklore and hearts of white southern readers. And, given complexity of Harris's texts, I examine how white readers like Harrison were able stitch this material so seamlessly into fabric of their own developing memories of a plantation past. Addressing this second concern, I argue that reading and family intimacy were key components in creation and cross-generational transmission of a white racial fantasy of intimacy-within-hierarchy that was at least as important in shaping white supremacist worldviews at turn of twentieth century as more vitriolic rhetoric that dominated formal politics and other aspects of public sphere. …

Cherry (review)

240Fourth Genre Cherry by Mary Karr Viking Press, 2000 276 pages, cloth, $24.95 I read memoirs to see how other people make sense oftheir Uves. I seek flattering reflections of myself and ready-made models to imitate. I also read memoirs to see how a Ufe can be explained and imagine that my Ufe, too, can be explained and sorted into chapters. Mary Karr's second memoir, Cherry, satisfies aU ofthese requirements and more. Mary Karr makes me think that notjust my Ufe, but anyone's Ufe, can be the basis for a reaUy good book. Karr's recoUections ofher adolescence are part ofthe sex, drugs, and rock and roU coUective consciousness of most Baby Boomers. It's Karr's Ufe in Leechfield,Texas you're reading, but ifyou reached puberty in the middleto -late '60s, it doesn't matter if you've never been to Texas, you'U begin to think you knew Mary Karr. Ifyou were into surfing and acid back then, you might "flash" on the idea that it is actuaUy your life she is describing. She helps this impression along by using the second person, present tense, for almost half ofthe book, beginning when Mary reaches Junior High. A few times you try to explain to certain people—Clarice, for instance— that your Old Self had been falsified, a mere mask tacked over the Real Self, which you only now have guts to reveal. ... In response to this spiel, Clarice looks at you quizzicaUy, saying something like, I love you no matter what you wear, but everybody thinks you act weird. While the book's title makes you think about sexual deflowering, Karr dispenses with her "first time" with the formality and language suitable for a prelate. The deed is accomplished in the safety of her best friend's home, with considerable planning, with as much emotional weight given to the bath towels she spreads under her buttocks, as to the event itself. The book begins with a prologue, on the morning of the day Mary at 17, wiU ride away in a truck loaded with boys and surfboards for Los Angeles. She is leaving home and wants her daddy, who's watching Dialing for Dollars, and her mother, who's reading an art history book, to look up and concentrate on her for one grandiloquent moment. Decisive, antagonistic Mary wants someone to say, "Don't go." Book Reviews241 Karr deftly inserts her adult understanding of this painful memory: "Maybe it's only after your daddy's been dead fifteen years that you create this longing ofyours for him and his denial of it, because it's easier to bear the notion that he rejected you than vice versa." The book ends with an acid-enhanced epiphany she desperately needs to share with her best friend, Meredith: You teU her how aU this led you to unearth the ultimate sentence, the endless resonant snippet oflanguage with implications no one can ignore. Before you actually let Meredith hear it, you bow your head and hear an internal drum roU. You finaUy look up to say, There's no place like home. Karr burrows into your memory bank to reawaken the great ache you had for home just as you were leaving it. This is not the dramatic stuff of The Liar's Club where seven-year-old Mary is raped by a "Nazi boy" nearly knifed by her mother, and forced by her baby sitter to have oral sex. There's a lot less physical pain and pandemonium in Cherry, and a reader looking for a continuation of the perils of poor Mary and her psychotic, alcoholic mother wiU be disappointed. The focus in Karr's second book is not on what other people do to Mary but what Mary does on her own and it's told adroitly and elegantly by a writer who has the maturity and confidence to do it quietly. In the first chapter of Cherry, commingled in one short shirtless bike ride are eleven-year-old Mary's desires to be like the boys she adores, and simultaneously to be courted by them. In The Liar's Club Mary's bike...

Dual Relationships in Higher Education

Professional and Institutional Guidelines University and college face complex professional and ethical issues in their ongoing interactions and involvements with students. On the one hand, an appreciation of the powerful positive impact of involvement with students argues in favor of increased interaction outside the classroom (Astin, 1993). On the other hand, obvious concerns about fairness and a growing sensitivity over the potential for exploitation of students caution against personal with their students. Thus, are often encouraged to become increasingly active in advisement, mentorship, and social situations with their students, while simultaneously being cautioned regarding behaviors that are, or might appear to be, exploitative or unjust. The challenge for stems from the fact that the faculty role in relation to students is not a single role. Rather, are called upon to perform complex roles in their with students, including those of research supervisor, instructor, curriculum planner, academic advisor, and mentor (Brown & Krager, 1985). Almost by definition, members engage in what might be described as multiple professional relationships with their students in which they function in significant - and significantly different - roles either concurrently or sequentially (Pope, 1991; Sonne, 1994). Moreover, the increasing recognition of the importance of involvement with students (e.g., Astin, 1993; Jacobi, 1991) has encouraged to extend their professional roles into more personal realms and to socialize and interact with students in more informal settings. As extend their professional with students outside the classroom, it is not unusual for them to find themselves increasingly involved in more personal as well. For example, in more informal settings may find themselves called upon to advise students about personal as well as academic issues. As socialize with students at university-sponsored or private functions, they may also find themselves forming personal friendship or even intimate with their students and their families. Similarly, as become more involved in the private lives of their students, they may find themselves in financial or business with students or their families that extend well beyond the traditional boundaries of academia (for example, hiring students as baby sitters or house sitters or involving a student in a private business venture). While these types of personal often provide opportunities to further the students' personal and professional development, they also carry very different expectations and obligations than the typical professional roles and may thus give rise to greater and potentially more complex ethical issues (Kitchener, 1988). The literature of many professions, most notably the mental health professions, has provided extensive discussion of the problems inherent in dual between professionals and their clients (e.g., Keith-Spiegel & Koocher, 1985; Kitchener, 1988; Pope, 1991). One of the key issues in such discussions is that dual or occur when the professional tries to simultaneously fill two or more different roles. Problems arise from such dual when there are conflicts between the demands of the two roles and these conflicting demands result in conflicts of interest and potential exploitation of the nonprofessional member of the relationship (Kitchener, 1988; Pipes, in press). Obvious examples of such exploitative include such situations as a psychotherapist persuading a client to invest in a shopping center development project with him or a divorce lawyer becoming sexually involved with a client. In contrast to the available literature regarding dual in other professions, however, the ethics of dual in higher education have received little attention (Blevins-Knabe, 1992; Kitchener, 1992). …

Anthropocentrism and computers

Abstract This paper introduces the multi-dimensional concept of anthropocentrism with respect to computers, the tendency to believe that (1) computers do not possess human physical and psychological capabilities; and (2) it is not acceptable for computers to fill routinized (e.g., auto mechanic), interpretive (e.g., newspaper reporter), and persona) (e.g., baby sitter) roles traditionally held only by people. A mail survey (n = 133) of individuals in Northern California focuses on individual differences rather than differences between technologies. As suggested by the literature on ethnocentrism, experience with other cultures and education are strong predictors of the dimensions of anthropocentrism; surprisingly, experience with computers fails as a predictor.

Bad Books in Series: Nancy Drew in the Public Library

Bad Books in Series:Nancy Drew in the Public Library Esther Green Bierbaum (bio) We know that "bad" books—however they are defined—can become best sellers. But has popularity ensured a spot on the shelves of the public library? Children's series books,1 and particularly the Nancy Drew series, can illuminate this question. This paper looks at ideas of "badness," how bad books have been defined and labeled, and, finally, how public libraries in the past have responded to that label. The Public Library Now —and Then These days, public librarians give more thought to being alert to the public's wants and needs than to historic issues of badness. As the "Code of Ethics for Librarians" states, "Librarians must resist all effort by groups or individuals to censor library materials" (American Library Association). By extension, the librarian must also resist imposing personal preferences upon the selection of books; hence, the public librarian responds to the reading interests of the community, even if those interests include Sex, Anne Rice, Batman, and the Baby Sitters' Club. It was not ever thus. In its first half century or more—roughly from 1876 to the beginning of World War II—the public library was envisioned by its supporters and promoters as one of the engines of culture that would meld the disparate elements of the American population into a unified whole, tied with golden cords of education, common language, and civic righteousness. Upon the occasion of the dedication of the Newark Public Library's new building, John Cotton Dana declared: "And so we are, for the first time in all history, building, in our public libraries, temples of happiness and wisdom common to all" (69). In a less lofty mode, J. P. Quincy noted that the library was "the one secular institution which encourages self-development as an aim" (390). [End Page 92] Self-development was an aim; but librarians felt called to "encourage" it to appropriately high planes. Indeed, librarians accepted the role of being lamps unto the feet of the body politic and civic with more zeal than humility. There was a great amount of discussion about what constituted "good" reading and "good" books—good often being determined on the basis of rectitude of content rather than literary grace. As Dorothy Broderick has recently noted, "These librarians knew what was decent and what was improper and they were direct in their commitment to keeping out of the hands of the public anything they felt unworthy" (447). The Effects of Fiction One of the most prolonged and heated deliberations centered on "the fiction question": whether libraries should give shelf room to fiction at all and, if so, to what examples of this dubious branch of literature. In 1876, when Melvil Dewey introduced the first version of his Decimal Classification, American fiction was not even in the question, as evidenced by the fact that he provided no classification number for it, lumping whatever of it might be tolerable in with British fiction. Quincy approvingly quotes Justin Winsor's annual report of the Boston Library regarding fiction: There is a vast range of ephemeral literature, exciting and fascinating, apologetic of vice or confusing distinctions between plain right and wrong . . . which it is not the business of a town library to supply. (395) Winsor was a towering figure in the American library world of the late nineteenth century; his opinion counted. His pronouncement was not a negative speciation devised solely by librarians; Victorians on both sides of the Atlantic were forthright in expressing concern for their neighbors' moral well being, and the Little Colonel and Elsie Dinsmore were among child characters whose authors gave them opportunity to express distress over the novel reading of friends and parents. The dangers of fiction seemed real enough to warrant concern: Physicians versed in the treatment of those nerve centres, whose disorder has so alarmingly increased of late years, have testified to the enervating influence of the prevalent romantic literature, and declared it to be a fruitful cause of evil to youth of both sexes. (Quincy 393) Because of early medical concerns and, later, on the basis of the benttwig theory and other notions of child development...

Prevalence of Intestinal Parasites among Expatriate Workers in Al-Ain, United Arab Emirates

A retrospective study was conducted among expatriate workers in Al-Ain City, United Arab Emirates (UAE), to determine the prevalence of pathogenic parasitic infestation. The study was based largely on expatriates arriving from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran, Philippines, Sri Lanka, and other Arab countries and mainly employed as food handlers, housemaids, baby sitters, and private drivers. This group represents 45.7% of the total number of new arrivals of expatriates during the period between 1 January 1985-31 December 1988. Stool specimens were examined in 60,268 screened individuals, of which 14,010 were found to be positive with pathogenic intestinal parasitic disease. Overall parasitic prevalence was 23.1%. The most common parasites found included: Ancylostoma (2.4%), Ascaris lumbricoides (6.6%), Trichuris trichiura (6.2%), and Giardia lamblia (2.4%). The distribution of intestinal parasites among expatriates was different for all nationalities. The results showed that Giardia lamblia was more prevalent among Iranians (54.7%) and Pakistanis (42.2%). Ancylostome species was found to be more prevalent among Sri Lankans (33.3%) and Indians (39.6%). Ascaris lumbricoides was more prevalent among Bangladeshis (33.1%), and Trichuris trichiura was more prevalent among Filipinos (40.2%).

Parameters of sexual contact of boys with women.

The incidence of sexual contact with boys by women was found more prevalent than had been contended in the clinical literature. Male penitentiary inmates reported higher heterosexual contact as children than did college men. The effects upon the boy and his later adult sex life were generally reported as not traumatic, although coercion by the woman tended to be associated with a bad feeling about the experience at the time and a negative effect upon adult sex life. The majority of women were friends, neighbors, baby sitters, and strangers to the boy. Intercourse and genital touching were the predominant forms of sexual activity. Prison women who reported having such contact were significantly higher than the prison women who did not report contact on the Mini-Mult Schizophrenia and Hypomania scales and significantly lower on the Lie scale. Educational levels of the men and their parents were inversely associated with history of sexual contact.