The Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's (HREOC) inquiry into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families provided a forum for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and others to speak of their experiences of removal in a national pubUc setting. The testimony provided to the inquiry fulfilled a number of functions and operated at a number of levels. The telUng of individual stories of removal was important to Indigenous people in terms of representing their experience and contributed to a level of ownership of the inquiry by those who participated. David Frances, chairman of the Kimberley Stolen Generations Steering Committee, for example, explained that the report was important in telUng the 'true story' of what happened to Indigenous people 'because future generations will read it to understand what happened to us'.2 In their work on Stolen Generations3 testimony, Rosanne Kennedy and Tikka Wilson point out that in the inquiry report, Bringing Them Home, testimony is used as evidence of the harms of removal, as part of the construction of a history of removal and as an address to the AustraUan community to soUcit an active engagement from readers.4 In this article, I want to consider how testimony functioned throughout the inquiry to faciUtate heaUng. At the beginning of the inquiry, the HREOC announced its aims to 'assist the heaUng process of those who have been affected... by past policies of assimilation' and to play a significant role in 'heaUng the nation' and to 'help prepare the way for reconciUation'.5 My analysis focuses on the practice of testimony as a personal and political tool engaged to heal individuals and the nation. The discussion draws on the international hterature on victims of trauma and truth commissions and particularly ideas that testimony can achieve heaUng.6 1 will also discuss the Umits to the heaUng potential of testimony through the inquiry, including the impUcations of soliciting testimony from certain Indigenous witnesses. More broadly, I will consider how a focus on heaUng impacted on the achievement of other goals, including adequate forms of redress. I argue that processes of heaUng are more compUcated and contingent than is recognised in the discourse of heaUng adopted by the inquiry. Background to the inquiry The AustraUan inquiry into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their famiUes followed years of political agitation by Indigenous organisations. From the early 1990s, Indigenous organisations including the National Secretariat for Aboriginal and Islander Child Care (SNAICC), Link-Up (New South Wales) and the Aboriginal Legal Service of Western AustraUa (ALSWA) called for an inquiry into the damaging effects removal pohcies and practices had had on many Indigenous Austrahans' lives.7 The organisations were concerned that the harm suffered by Indigenous people separated from their families was not widely known and had not been adequately recognised or appropriately redressed by governments and others involved in the implementation of removal policies. At the influential Going Home Conference held in Darwin by the Northern Territory Stolen Generations (NTSG) in 1994, which brought together more than 600 Indigenous people who had experienced removal and/or institutionalisation, the then Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, Robert Tickner, announced that he would push for some form of inquiry. On 2 August 1995, the Attorney-General, Michael Lavarch, issued revised terms of reference to the HREOC to trace the laws, practices and policies under which Aboriginal children were removed from their families by duress or by force and to trace their effects.8 With an allocated budget of $1.5 million, the inquiry operated from December 1995 to April 1997, travelling to more than 32 Aboriginal communities, towns and regional centres and to every capital city across Australia. …
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