Anti-satellite Weapons Research Articles

Targeted Human Trafficking - The Wars between Proxy and Surrogated Economy

Upon Brexit & Trade War, the research took a supply-side analysis in macroeconomic paradigm for the purpose and cause of the actions. In the geopolitical competitions on crude oil resources between the allied powers & the Russian hegemony, the latter of which has effective control over P. R. China’s multilateral behaviors, the external research induced that trade war, either by complete information in intelligence or an unintended result, was a supply chain attack in prohibiting the antisatellite weapon supplies in the Northern regions of mainland China in relation to Russia. Although no substantive change to international relations, the Trade War’s prohibitive effect on the high frequency trading in the monetary domain of CNY was observed, which had been the source of economic bubbles in the import-export control regime with centralized banking. The paper argues that by realism in economy & military strategy, trade war was ineffective in deterring the covert operations of the People’s Liberation Army by their territorial strategies and raises questions in humanitarianism in conflict situations. Moreover, with gross privacy breaches by mass surveillance in domain politics, totalitarianism with coercions, and counterfeit of drone strikes, traditional methods of threat elimination are rendered less pragmatic apart from the adversaries’ cyber security breaches. With the scientific approach, I offer an ecological paradigm with historic analysis of the Chinese military’s conducts in terms economics. The territorial methods of the PLA are contextualized into the ecological paradigm in regionalism & public administration. Electronic combats of the Chinese regime with the Great Firewall and Denial-of-Service attacks not only contribute to the diminishing natural freedoms of the population, but also transgress the fundamental right to health along with non-traditional nuclear threats to P.R.C. itself.

Russia's anti-satellite weapons: A hedging and offsetting strategy to deter Western aerospace forces

Russia has recently tested several anti-satellite weapons. The Russian military literature reveals hedging and offsetting strategies behind these actions. First, Russians cast their weapons as a mirror response to American experiments. Russians fear a technological surprise and suggest that their experimentation hedges against significant advantages that may accrue to the United States from dominating space. Second, Russians perceive satellites providing vital targeting and navigation information as crucial enablers of U.S. and NATO aerospace precision strike weapons. Therefore, dependence on space-based assets is a vulnerability that Russia cannot fail to take advantage of in a crisis to offset U.S. and NATO military superiority. Some unilateral measures such as deploying cheaper and distributed small satellite constellations can reduce U.S. and allied vulnerabilities. Bilateral behavioral norms can offer reassurances to both the United States and Russia. However, deeper regulation and limits on emerging strategic aerospace weaponry may also be required.

Restraining an Arms Race in Outer Space

The world is faced with an escalating arms race in outer space at the very time that this vital, if vulnerable, environment is experiencing rapid growth in orbiting satellites and the array of services they provide. After years of relative stagnation, multilateral diplomatic activity is being re-energised, spurred by the revival of debris-causing anti-satellite weapons (ASAT) tests. A British initiative has resulted in the creation of a new United Nations diplomatic forum on ‘Reducing Space Threats Through Norms, Rules and Principles of Responsible Behaviours’. Although geopolitical tensions between leading space powers make the development of cooperative security arrangements difficult, there is a common interest in avoiding the creation of more space debris that would endanger the assets of all space operators.

Weapons Reviews for ASATs: Assessing Distinction, Proportionality, and Effects on the Natural Environment of Space

Kinetic anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons are increasingly being developed and tested in the twentyfirst century. A Chinese ground-to-space missile test in 2007 hastened a new form of ‘space race’ involving other superpowers kinetically destroying their own satellites: in 2008, the USA; in 2019, India; and in 2021, Russia. These tests created large amounts of space debris. Some of this is still orbiting the Earth, some has already collided with other satellites, and some will probably do so in the future. International humanitarian law (IHL) imposes obligations on states to consider whether using newly developed, acquired, or adopted weapons is (or would be) consistent with IHL. This article evaluates whether ASAT tests conducted in peacetime are legitimate in terms of IHL peacetime obligations, and whether kinetic attacks on satellites during armed conflict would also conform with IHL obligations, especially the preservation of the natural environment.

Out of sight, out of mind? The proliferation of space debris and international law

AbstractThe quantity of man-made space objects, ranging from abandoned launch vehicle stages to fragmentation debris, is remarkable. At the time, the drafters of the Outer Space Treaty did not (and perhaps could not) anticipate how great the problem of debris in outer space would one day become. As a result, they only drafted general provisions for the protection of the space environment which are generally deemed insufficient. This article aims to demonstrate that both general rules of international law and the UNCOPUOS Debris Mitigation Guidelines come to the rescue in addressing the space debris issue as they complement and complete the general obligations contained in the Outer Space Treaty. Particular attention is paid to anti-satellite weapon tests, which have catastrophic consequences in terms of creating debris but nonetheless continue to be carried out. Finally, it ascertains whether an obligation on states to actively remove their space debris exists.

International Legal Regulations Concerning Launching of Russian Anti-Satellite Weapon Missiles Reviewed in Space Law Perspective

The development of weapons technology is currently very advanced and competitive, one of which is the Anti-Satellite weapon (ASAT) technology. ASAT has become a real threat to the sustainability of the space environment, this is because ASAT has the potential to damage international peace and security, trigger an arms race, and increase the amount of space debris orbiting the earth. The absence of regulations that specifically regulate ASAT makes countries feel free to conduct anti-satellite missile test launches. For example, in 2021 Russia conducted an ASAT test targeting the Cosmos-1408 satellite. Using normative juridical research and research approaches with statute approach, case approach, and analytical approach, the author wants to study and analyze international legal arrangements regarding the launch of Anti-Satellite Weapon (ASAT) missiles and the legal consequences against Russia as the country that launches Anti-Satellite Weapon (ASAT) missiles. Based on the results of the study, the researchers found that there were no regulations specifically limiting ASAT, but the regulation in question should have been contained in the Outer Space Treaty 1967 as the basis for regulating all activities related to space, then further legal consequences against Russia for launching anti-missile missiles. -satellite, namely Russia is obliged to be responsible in terms of responsibility and liability in terms of liability and is strengthened by the principle of liability based on fault as stated in the Liability Convention 1972.

Mutually assured surveillance at risk: Anti-satellite weapons and cold war arms control

ABSTRACT In the early 1970s, Moscow and Washington had established a satellite verification regime to monitor arms control treaty compliance. Satellites had become a primary source of transparency and stability in superpower relations. Yet by the end of the 1970s, both the United States and the USSR were developing anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons that could destroy observation satellites. This article uses recently declassified archival documents to show that Jimmy Carter pushed for ASAT limits due to his broader arms control agenda, whereas Ronald Reagan rejected ASAT arms control primarily because of its potential impact on the Strategic Defense Initiative.

When States Test Their Anti-Satellite Weapons

ABSTRACT The United States, Russia, China, and India are the only states that have tested anti-satellite weapons (ASATs) by deliberately destroying orbiting satellites. In this paper, a mix of practical and aspirational factors are investigated in the context of heightened propensity for a state's testing of ASATs. The strategic competition and rivalry between these global and regional space powers generates an environment of conflict and insecurity. In the absence of an international treaty to constrain behavior, these states are driven to amass counterspace capabilities to secure their assets and establish space dominance.

Interview: Robert Latiff on the worsening international security situation in space

ABSTRACT Robert Latiff is a retired US Air Force major general and a private consultant who provides advice on advanced technology matters to corporate and government clients and to universities. His current work includes research on the ethical implications of emerging and dual-use technologies. He has served on the staffs of Headquarters US Air Force and the Secretary of the Air Force. A member of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists’ Science and Security Board, Latiff spoke recently with Bulletin editor-in-chief John Mecklin about the worsening international security situation as countries jockey for both military and private-sector advantage in space. This conversation occurred before Russia acknowledged testing an anti-satellite weapon in space, creating a debris field that could threaten the International Space Station and highlighting international tensions over use of space.

Ambiguities in Space Law as Path towards Weaponization of Space: the Case of the Outer Space Treaty. Remarks on Regulation of Weaponization of Outer Space by Space Law

Nowadays, space management is widely recognized as an important area of global governance. The management of outer space is very complex, therefore activities of states in outer space realm are regulated by Outer Space Treaty. However, due to a number of ambiguities in the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty regarding the military use of space, loopholes for an increase in militarization and weaponization of space have emerged, thus causing serious problems with space security and affecting the sustainable use of space. Such shortcomings in the regulation of the military use of outer space by the Outer Space Treaty, including the lack of definition of certain terms and the establishment of appropriate procedures, allow the parties to freely interpret the relevant terms, and also conduct experiments in space, which contribute to the militarization and weaponization of space. Naturally this issue poses global security threat, because once the militarization or weaponization of outer space has started, it is almost impossible to reverse this process. In addition, the development of anti-satellite weapons and the dual purpose of satellites orbiting the Earth undoubtedly adds to the political and legal challenge of managing outer space. Therefore, this articles claims, that the legal regulation of outer space requires thorough revision in order to effectively address the issue of legal mechanisms in outer space.

Arms Race and its Impact on South Asia

This research paper aims at investigating the ongoing arms race in South Asia. The escalating competition of arms race between Pakistan and India has enormous impacts on the stability of the region. Indian initiation of acquiring any weapon, conventional or non-conventional, Pakistan will go through the same route. Indian aspiration of acquiring a new defense system, S-400 missiles, and recent successful test of anti-satellite weapons poses a serious threat to the security and stability of Pakistan.Consequently, Pakistan will also go for the smart technological weapon. The main aim of this paper is to investigate that which reasons urge Pakistan-India to go through for adopting hazardous nuclear weapons,spending more budget of G.D.P. on defense, and modernizing the military capability in the conflict-prone region. This competition of arms race in the crisis-prone region will, no doubt, lead to the destruction of the region

Anti-Satellite Weapons:

This article tackles the political dimension of the development of anti-satellite weapons. The main goal is to assess their significance from the American, Russian, and Chinese perspective to understand the emerging balance of power in space. While the U.S. is struggling to maintain its position of dominant space power, its main adversaries are developing technologies that can diminish American dominance. It is, therefore, widely believed that outer space is poised to be weaponized by multiple systems designed to destroy satellites in-orbit, both ground- and space-based. On the other hand, the United States is executing multiple fast-track research& development programs aimed at increasing the resilience of the U.S. space systems.

The Myth of Tactical Anti-Satellite Weapons: Redefining and Effectively Controlling

ABSTRACT Significant recent scholarship has addressed the apparently accelerating proliferation of antisatellite (ASAT) weapons in the international system by proposing the development of new institutions or instruments for arms control in space. However, the historical record is not encouraging for this approach, as the last 40 years have seen repeated, failed attempts to do just that. How might it be possible to surmount this evident resistance to developing an arms-control regime for space? This article advances the argument that rather than attempting to create new mechanisms for controlling ASATs, the most profitable path forward may be to reframe kinetic space weapons as strategic weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). It presents a typological framework for the classification of WMDs, and situates kinetic ASATs within this rubric. It then discusses how reframing kinetic ASATs as WMDs could provide for the effective control of such weapons by rendering them subject to existing treaty and normative frameworks, thus avoiding the need for new agreements or institutions. Finally, it discusses some of the limitations and potential consequences of this approach.

A világűr militarizálásának kérdéseiről

A világűr katonai felhasználása a hidegháború „terméke”. A szemben álló szuperhatalmak először felderítési célokból bocsátottak Föld körüli pályára műholdakat, hogy információt szerezzenek a másik félről. A műholdak távérzékelési (felderítési), távközlési, meteorológiai és navigációs célokból nemcsak katonai alkalmazásban játszanak jelentős szerepet, hanem polgári szempontból is hasznosak. A katonai alkalmazás egészen a kezdetektől magában hordozta a világűrben tervezett harcot, mely során a szemben álló felek egymás űreszközeit semlegesítik. A világűrben telepített fegyverrendszerek korábban tudományos fantasztikumnak hatottak, sok esetben csak a tervezés fázisáig jutottak el, néhány eszközt viszont sikeres kísérleteket követően megvalósítottak. Az űreszközök sérülése nemcsak katonai, hanem gazdasági és társadalmi vonatkozásokban is jelentős károkat tud okozni. A világűrben folyó fegyverkezés megakadályozása a nemzetközi közösség egyik fő célja. A világűr felhasználását szabályozó egyezmények nem követik a technológiai fejlődést, és szükségessé vált a műholdak elleni fegyverek korlátozása, esetlegesen fegyverzet-ellenőrzési rezsim létrehozása és működtetése a világűr vonatkozásában.

The transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century

The article deals with the process of the transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century. During the Cold War, outer space was a place of understanding and peaceful competition between superpowers. Militarization has existed since the beginning of the Space Age, excluding the weaponization of space until the beginning of the 21st century. The absence of an international regime to prevent the weaponization of space and technological advances opens up new opportunities for states in their quest to increase power. The theoretical paradigm is a realistic perspective of international institutions as a reflection of the most powerful state?s minimum consensus on a mechanism for reducing their costs. Successfully tested anti-satellite weapons open new questions about the defense of vulnerable space installations from enemy attacks. The author's prognostic thesis refers to the new race in space weapons and the matter of time when lasers, plasma weapons, kinetic bombardment, and other types of space weapons will see the light of day. The strategic balance will remain untouched until the invention of a superior space weapon able to neutralize the existing offensive capacities of the states and erase the second strike capability appears. The author concludes that international institutions cannot limit the ambitions of states in conquering space because they do not want to give up that potential, but that a limited space war is unlikely.

Innovation Mirage: The Role of Technological Uncertainty in Military Instability

The article examines the impact of technological changes on the risks of military clashes between states. Currently, experts express increasing concerns about the destabilizing effect of new weapons (including anti-missile and anti-satellite weapons, hypersonic missiles, autonomous lethal systems, and artificial intelligence). These assessments are rarely based on solid theoretical foundations. The author seeks to fill this gap, arguing that the emergence of new weapons has a negative impact on international stability, and this effect is weakly related to the specific characteristics of underline technologies. The theory of technological uncertainty offers an alternative to the offense-defense balance theory. The latter developed since the 1970s, but its validity is questionable. The theory of technological uncertainty attributes the destabilizing effect of weapons to the divergence of states' perceptions of the balance of powers, to the hyped expectations regarding the ability to compensate quantitative limitations with qualitative superiority, to the alarmistic sense of closing windows of opportunities and growing vulnerabilities. The article tests the theory against the historical record of military clashes in Europe from the end of the 18th to the middle of the 20th centuries, as well as the crises between superpowers during the Cold War. The empirical cases are selected in order to cover the period marked by the intensification of qualitative arms races between states. In addition, it is also the period most often used to substantiate the offense-defense balance theory. The history of the last two and a half centuries provides a solid foundation for the theory of technological uncertainty. All instances of large-scale military clashes were preceded by significant technological changes, while peace fell on periods of technological stagnation. The author addresses the policy implications of the theory for the discussions on emerging weapons in the 2010s and 2020s. The study confirms that concerns regarding their destabilizing effect are justified, but for the different reasons from those put forward by most analysts. A somewhat optimistic caveat to its conclusions is the fact that currently emerging weapons are at various stages of development. The greatest likelihood of military clashes corresponds to the overlap of several technological uncertainties. Therefore, an increase in the time lag between introduction of various arms can mitigate destabilizing effect.

The United Nations’ Reso Lution 2325 “Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction” and Its Role in Preventing Terrestrial-Based WMD Utilization Toward Orbiting Space Objects

Abstract The 2016 United Nations’ Resolution 2325 “Non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction” manifests one of the greatest challenges for humankind in relation to preventing a global catastrophe, where it reaffirms that the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, as well as their means of delivery, constitutes a threat to international peace and security. However, regarding the continuous technological developments of terrestrial-based WMD aimed at orbiting space objects in near-Earth orbit, it is crucial to analyze whether, and if so, how 2325 prevents their proliferation and utilization. Another relevant argument addresses the terminological factuality that, while treaty and customary law do provide some guidance on the legality of weaponization, the concept of a “space weapon” is still not clearly defined. Moreover, even though the Outer Space Treaty prohibits the placement of nuclear weapons and WMD in near-Earth orbit, installing them on the Moon or any other celestial body, or to otherwise station them in outer space, it simultaneously excludes terrestrial-based anti-satellite weapons, thus creating a legal loophole. National representatives of superpowers, particularly of space-faring nations, are aware of the existing issue and often express their concerns toward comprehensive ASAT development and utilization. Nevertheless, the potential weaponization of outer space will not be actively recognized and accepted as an official occurrence within the international community until our current space systems are eventually utilized in order to destroy or damage another State’s space object.

Indian Anti-satellite Weapon and its Impact on South Asia

Indian Anti-satellite Weapon and its Impact on South Asia

Space for Change: The ASAT Tests in Outer Space in Light of the UN Liability Convention

As space exploration is gathering pace, special care must be attributed to preserving outer space as a shared environment that can be explored freely by humankind. Currently, there exists no comprehensive legal framework regulating the use of conventional weapons in outer space. This has been made evident by repeated tests of anti-satellite weapons (ASATs) which took place in the XXI century and produced massive amounts of debris, possibly interfering with the rights of other states to explore space freely. This article examines the rules provided by the UN Liability Convention and their application to ASAT tests in outer space. The author reviews academic suggestions in the field and concludes that a multilateral and comprehensive legal framework needs to be established in order to guarantee unrestrained exploration of space.

In Search of a Legal Solution to the Weaponisation of Space: A Russian Perspective

This article is primarily focused on the diplomatic efforts aimed at preventing the weaponisation of outer space, or development of weapon systems designed to destroy targets, either orbital or terrestrial, or from the ground in outer space. Along with that, a number of anti-satellite weapon projects that both the United States (US) and the Soviet Union/Russia have been developing since the 1950s are briefly described as examples of their military competition in space. Highlighted is the work that has been done within the United Nations (UN) context to develop a corpus of universal principles and norms governing international exploration of outer space as the common heritage of humankind, free from the use of force. The author also highlights the positive role that arms control treaties have been playing in preventing deployment of weapons in space. Particular emphasis is given to the potential consequences for global security should attack weapons appear in outer space, and to the importance of a further targeted effort by the international community to work out additional regulations strengthening space security. In this regard, draft treaties on the prevention of weapons in space introduced by Russia and China, and the European Union’s International Code of conduct for Space are emphasised.