American State Legislatures Research Articles

ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES TO URINALYSIS IN THE DETECTION OF DRUGS

Detecting drugs in the workplace by means of urinalysis has been subject to a great deal of controversy as its acceptance by employees, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), state legislatures and unions varies considerably. A multitude of technical and practical reasons continue to support the belief that there is no viable substitute for urinalysis. Because of the susceptibility of urine testing alternatives methods of drug detection need to be explored. This paper examines physical alternatives as well as psychological tests that may be useful alternatives.

Entering the Committee System: State Committee Assignments

Cl ONTEMPORARY American legislatures are organized around committee systems which are largely responsible for how legislatures work and what they accomplish. Any analysis or description of Congress or a state legislature gives a prominent position to committees and the roles they play; however, the emphasis in committee research has been on Congress. One important yet understudied area of state committee activity relates to the committee appointment process. In his review of committee selection, Eulau (1985) listed 4 studies at the state level, compared with 63 on Congress. In a modest effort to contribute to our knowledge of state committee selection, the present study provides insights regarding this process and its consequences for the legislature in one stateWisconsinfor six recent legislative sessions1975-76, 1979-80, 198182, 1983-84, 1985-86 and 1987-88. This analysis considers the applicability of Shepsle's accommodation explanation for committee appointments in American state legislatures.

MEASURING INFLUENCE IN A SOUTHERN STATE LEGISLATURE

Summary and ConclusionsTo observe influence in the personalized ephemeral politics of a southern legislature, we used three measures. The first — attributes of influences — employed individual, district, and ideological characteristics. The second — reputation for influence — utilized reputation for effectiveness in the legislative process and reputation as one from whom advice is sought. The third measured actually getting something from the legislative process. We devised a new method of indexing this, developing a Ten‐Point Continuum which indicated how far members' bills had gotten along the legislative route.Before summarizing the above relationships, it should be noted that bills are handled (conflict resolved) in a definite pattern in this southern state legislature, and this pattern is consistent over time and across chambers. The pattern is first that most bills are enacted. The personalized style of southern politics is reflected in a “politics of accommodation” of as many members as possible. Second, among those bills not enacted, most (about half) are stymied at the very earliest stage, either by the sponsor withdrawing it or the committee simply taking no action. Third, the remaining half of bills not enacted are defeated over the wide variety of possible maneuvers.Regarding relationships, in general the two measures of influence are affected by individual legislator and district characteristics only weakly to mildly, while seniority and institutional position display moderately strong associations. Success at getting bills passed is weakly influenced by any personal, district or institutional factors. Moreover, the direction of the relationships are not always consistent. The association between the measures of influence and success at bill‐enactment is very weak to non‐existent. (The two measures of reputation are moderately related).We are not surprised to find these relationships in a legislature that operates on personalized politics. In such a system, as many members are accommodated as possible. This is reflected in the bill‐passage rate, which is the highest among American state legislatures (Rosenthal: 258). If most members get what they want, then individual and district characteristics, as well as reputation for influence are not crucial. Seniority and institutional positions provide the bases for reputational influence and contribute mildly to members' capacity to get their bills enacted. The exceedingly low or non‐existent relationship between gender and influence/bill‐passage success is encouraging; the slight, but negative relationship between race and bill‐passage success requires continued attention and study. Finally, we suspect that variables not conceptualized in this research may account for considerable influence in one party‐no party state legislatures, variables such as interpersonal skills, ambition, and willingness to work at legislative tasks other than dealing with one's district.

THE PLURALITY OF FACTORS INFLUENCING POLICYMAKINC: SCHOOL REFORM LEGISLATION IN THE AMERICAN STATES, 1982–84

This paper attempts to explore recent efforts of American state legislatures to improve the quality of public schools. Which state legislatures have passed school reform legislation? At what aspects of public education is this reform legislation aimed? Are there significant variations across states in such reform legislation? What has contributed most to the passage of such legislation? Is it the socioeconomic characteristics of individual states or the structural and procedural characteristics of their legislative branch that better explain school reform legislation? Analysis of data from the 50 states reveals greater variation in legislative results that reform public schools. The regional locus of most reform was the south. Most importantly, school reform legislation was found to be influenced by the interaction of a multitude of divergent forces. This finding suggests that researchers interested in the determinants of legislative action must move beyond analysis of whether economic or political forces shape legislative outcomes to inquire how economic, political and other forces interact when a given reform effort reaches the legislative halls of the states.

Legislative Workload Congestion in Texas

There is considerable evidence that the processing of work in American state legislatures is characterized by bottlenecks, congestion, and logjams. Yet past research has examined only part of the legislative workload and part of the legislative calendar. Measurement and evaluation of legislative workload is complicated by the complexity of legislation and the legislative process. However, comprehensive analyses show that, although some important activities are quite congested in parts of the session, consideration of the entire workload shows it to be quite evenly distributed over the entire session. These findings call into question the assumptions of some simplistic normative models of legislative behavior.

Electoral Competition, 1958-1984: Impact on State Legislative Turnover in the Indiana House

This article addresses the widespread notion that the decline in membership turnover in American state legislatures during the last two decades was primarily due to a decline in voluntary withdrawals from office and was unrelated to electoral competition. A theory of membership turnover is presented that incorporates electoral competition as a factor in an incumbent's decision to seek reelection and his/her ability to win. Several hypotheses are tested with data on turnover in the Indiana House of Representatives. This article departs from previous efforts in that electoral competition is measured at the district level and incumbents' decisions to run for higher office are distinguished from other forms of voluntary withdrawal.

Mailing In the Vote: Correlates and Consequences of Absentee Voting

American state legislatures have enacted absentee registration, absentee voting, and mail voting legislation in recent years as part ofwider efforts to stimulate greater electoral participation. California's absentee voter law, greatly liberalized in 1978, permitted the large absentee vote in the 1982 gubernatorial contest which turned out to be decisive. This analysis probes absentee voting in recent California elections, and compares the California analysis with parallel research in Iowa. The investigation concerns the correlates of the rate of absentee voting across counties, and the consequences of absentee voting systems for the electoral fate of gubernatorial candidates. Most strikingly, the research displays important changes in the determinants of absentee voting across three elections in California, distinctive patterns for Iowa, and strong evidence that partisan candidates are likely to harvest absentee votes in the very localities where their party is otherwise strong.

Representative Democracy: Public Policy and Midwestern Legislatures in the Late Nineteenth Century

The rise of an immensely powerful federal government in the twentieth century has tended to obscure the importance of state and local government in American history. Yet government at these lesser levels had the most direct and continuous effect on the lives of ordinary citizens. Through an analysis of late-nineteenth-century state legislatures in Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin, Ballard Campbell has written what one expert has called the best book on legislative politics, past or present. The period he examines was one of rapid change and great challenge. Urbanization, industrialization, and increasing national integration forced innumerable difficult and important decisions on state legislators. Campbell is sensitive to these stresses on law-making, and skillfully analyzes the interplay between personal and constituent factors that affected lawmakers. The author differentiates clearly between local and general aspects of state policymaking, giving full consideration to its more subjective and idiosyncratic elements. His comparison of partisan, economic, urban, ethnocultural, and regional influences on legislative behavior will serve as a model for all future studies. By closely examining the substantive dimension of the governmental process and its relation to mass politics, Representative Democracy advances the new political history. Campbell's discussion of legislative composition and procedure, the content and context of contested issues, and responses to these issues challenges numerous stereotypes about American state legislatures.

A Note on Selecting the Appropriate Pension Funding Method for Localities

2. Most schools of business teach only traditional, financial auditing, but they can survive this since so much auditing in the private sector is legitimately preoccupied with firms' financial reports and profitability statements. Nonetheless, auditing professors in business programs as well as partners in national public accounting firms will share with you their great concern that traditional audit techniques-auditing financial statements-are not sufficient in auditing in the not-for-profit sector. 3. For a short history and description of the GAO see Richard E. Brown, The GAO: Untapped Source of Congressional Power (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1970). 4. The Legislative Auditor (Lexington, Kentucky: The Council of State Governments, 1973), pp. 1-4; and The American State Legislatures: Their Structures and Procedures (Lexington, Kentucky: The Council of State Governments, 1977), pp. 51-57. 5. The tools and techniques of post auditing and evaluation on the whole have much in common with other research disciplines. Some of these, including statistical analysis, survey research, and cost-benefit analysis, are well described in Mark Lincoln Chadwin, ed., Legislative Program Evaluation in the States: Four Case Studies (New Brunswick, N.J.: Center for State Legislative Research and Service, Eagleton Institute of Politics, Rutgers-The State University, August 1974).

Inter-House Differences in American State Legislatures

Previous articleNext article No AccessResearch NotesInter-House Differences in American State LegislaturesEugene DeclercqEugene Declercq Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 39, Number 3Aug., 1977 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2129652 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1977 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:James R. Rogers An Informational Rationale for Congruent Bicameralism, Journal of Theoretical Politics 13, no.22 (Apr 2001): 123–151.https://doi.org/10.1177/0951692801013002001

Did Democracy Work? Prohibition in Late Nineteenth-Century Iowa: A Test Case

Did Democracy Work? Prohibition in Late Nineteenth-Century Iowa: A Test Case Democracy is one of pillars on which American polity has rested. As idea of popular government matured in United States during late nineteenth century, democracy increasingly meant right of citizens to select men and philosophies that would guide and govern their communities. Historians customarily have looked back at past politics to assess correspondence between democratic theory and political practice. Critics have found fault with politics in United States in all eras, but distribution of indictments peak for late nineteenth century. During last third of I8oos, in orthodox view, system was not working according to its theoretical precept. The indictment thesis of late nineteenth-century politics couples several motifs. This was a time when immorality clouded political atmosphere, when bribery, boondoggles, and buncombe held sway over honesty and integrity. Political bosses and avaricious corporations sought patronage and profit, not resolution of pressing public concerns. In an era of reputed citizen indifference to a politics devoid of substantive issues, political parties eschewed alternative policy proposals and engaged in a selfinterested gamesmanship for political power. The state legislature symbolized alleged political irresponsibility of age. Over decades since Bryce concluded that the State legislatures are not high-toned bodies, few historians have seen reason to redeem their reputation. Beyond customary recitations of their corruption and inefficiency, domination by unscrupulous political managers, and frequent purchase by captains of industry, historians have had little more to say about past American state legislatures.1

American State Legislatures: The Staff Environment

American State Legislatures: The Staff Environment

Legislative Influence and Policy Orientation in American State Legislatures

The conventional wisdom on the acquisition of Congressional influence is that who go get along, that is, that the system favors responsible, moderate, deferential, accommodative legislators who place goals of institutional harmony above personal political or policy objectives. State legislative analysts have given the subject little attention, though the leading work seems to accept the Congressional view. This paper reports an empirical study of this proposition based on a questionnaire sent to legislators in four large industrial states. Respondents were divided into nonprogrammatics, those who basically comply with the conventional wisdom's requisites for success, and programmatics, those who place a higher priority on policy goals. The results basically confirm the conventional wisdom, but not nearly to the degree to which most students of legislative behavior would expect.

Party Voting in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1890-1910: Elements of a Responsible Party System

Previous articleNext article No AccessArticlesParty Voting in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1890-1910: Elements of a Responsible Party SystemDavid W. Brady and Phillip AlthoffDavid W. Brady Search for more articles by this author and Phillip Althoff Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 36, Number 3Aug., 1974 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2129254 Views: 11Total views on this site Citations: 28Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1974 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Alessandro Saia Random interactions in the Chamber: Legislators' behavior and political distance, Journal of Public Economics 164 (Aug 2018): 225–240.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2018.06.009Adam Silver Consensus and Conflict: A Content Analysis of American Party Platforms, 1840–1896, Social Science History 42, no.33 (Jun 2018): 441–467.https://doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.14Jean-François Godbout, Bjørn Høyland Unity in Diversity? The Development of Political Parties in the Parliament of Canada, 1867–2011, British Journal of Political Science 47, no.33 (Aug 2015): 545–569.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123415000368 Bibliography, (Jan 2017): 454–506.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118913994.biblioMark Wahlgren Summers CONGRESS IN THE GILDED AGE AND PROGRESSIVE ERA, (Jan 2017): 339–349.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118913994.ch26Pamela Ban Leadership Power in Congress, 1890-2014: Evidence from PAC Contributions and Newspaper Coverage, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2016).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2765092Jamie L. Carson, Joel Sievert Electoral Reform and Changes in Legislative Behavior: Adoption of the Secret Ballot in Congressional Elections, Legislative Studies Quarterly 40, no.11 (Jan 2015): 83–110.https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12066Frank C. Thames The Party System and Legislative Cohesion in the Early U.S. House of Representatives, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2014).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2400558Jean-François Godbout, Bjørn Høyland The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867–1908), Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no.44 (Sep 2013): 773–797.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423913000632Frank C. Thames Party Systems and Legislative Cohesion in Post-Communist Ukraine, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2013).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2353476Jeffery A. Jenkins, Eric Schickler, Jamie L. Carson Constituency Cleavages and Congressional Parties, Social Science History 28, no.44 (Jan 2016): 537–573.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0145553200012840Nelson W. Polsby, Eric Schickler L ANDMARKS IN THE S TUDY OF C ONGRESS SINCE 1945, Annual Review of Political Science 5, no.11 (Jun 2002): 333–367.https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.5.011002.115655Brinck Kerr Party Voting in the U.S. Senate, 1877-1990: An Assessment of Long- and Short-Term Effects, Congress & the Presidency 27, no.22 (Mar 2010): 189–206.https://doi.org/10.1080/07343460009507768Herbert F. Margulies James R. Mann's Apprenticeship in the House of Representatives, 1897-1908, Congress & the Presidency 26, no.11 (Mar 1999): 21–40.https://doi.org/10.1080/07343469909507790Ludger Helms Parteiorganisationen und parlamentarische Parteien in der amerikanischen Präsidialdemokratie, (Jan 1999): 307–329.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95072-7_13Howard L. Reiter The Bases of Progressivism within the Major Parties, Social Science History 22, no.11 (Jan 2016): 83–116.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0145553200021714John A. C. Conybeare Voting for protection: an electoral model of tariff policy, International Organization 45, no.11 (May 2009): 57–81.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818300001399 Eileen L. McDonagh Issues and Constituencies in the Progressive Era: House Roll Call Voting on the Nineteenth Amendment, 1913-1919, The Journal of Politics 51, no.11 (Oct 2015): 119–136.https://doi.org/10.2307/2131612JON R. BOND, RICHARD FLEISHER, MICHAEL NORTHRUP Public Opinion and Presidential Support, The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 499, no.11 (Sep 2016): 47–63.https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716288499001004Samuel C. Patterson, Gregory A. Caldeira Party Voting in the United States Congress, British Journal of Political Science 18, no.11 (Jan 2009): 111–131.https://doi.org/10.1017/S000712340000497XDavid W. Brady A Reevaluation of Realignments in American Politics: Evidence from the House of Representatives, American Political Science Review 79, no.11 (Aug 2014): 28–49.https://doi.org/10.2307/1956117David Brady, John Ettling The Electoral Connection and the Decline of Partisanship in the 20th Century House of Representatives, Congress & the Presidency 11, no.11 (Mar 2010): 19–36.https://doi.org/10.1080/07343468409508005J. RICHARD PIPER PARTY REALIGNMENT AND CONGRESSIONAL CHANGE, American Politics Quarterly 11, no.44 (Nov 2016): 459–490.https://doi.org/10.1177/004478083011004005Jeffrey E. Cohen, Gregory G. Brunk A dynamic test of the marginality hypothesis, Political Behavior 5, no.33 (Jan 1983): 293–307.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00988579Joseph Cooper, David W. Brady Toward a Diachronic Analysis of Congress, American Political Science Review 75, no.44 (Aug 2014): 988–1006.https://doi.org/10.2307/1962298Joseph Cooper, David W. Brady Institutional Context and Leadership Style: The House from Cannon to Rayburn, American Political Science Review 75, no.22 (Aug 2014): 411–425.https://doi.org/10.2307/1961374Paul Allen Beck The Electoral Cycle and Patterns of American Politics, British Journal of Political Science 9, no.22 (Jan 2009): 129–156.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400001691 Eugene Declercq Inter-House Differences in American State Legislatures, The Journal of Politics 39, no.33 (Oct 2015): 774–785.https://doi.org/10.2307/2129652

LEGISLATIVE RESEARCH AND LEGISLATIVE REFORM: EVALUATING REGIME POLICY

It is often said that it is in the realm of regime policy that political scientists have most extensively contributed to public policy analysis. The political system's constitutional rules and institutional structures have been major objects of political research, while the substance of public policy, or the consequences of substantive public policy, have been analyzed much less extensively. Promontories of the regimethe party system, the presidential election system, apportionment of legislatures, congressional and state legislative organization-have been traditional targets of inquiry, sometimes diagnosis, and occasionally agenda for institutional change. The general problem is, of course, to juxtapose goals, purposes, or functions on the one side, and capability, effectiveness, or performance on the other, and then to assess political institutions in terms of how well they meet their goals, fulfill their purposes, or perform their functions. In the case of American state legislatures, the professional and quasi-professional literature of political science fairly abounds in various attempts to evaluate legislative capability or effectiveness, and recommend institutional changes. Political scientists can claim only very modest success in connection with their involvement in movements to effect changes in regime policies. Particularly in the case of state legislative reform, the research contribution made by political scientists has been distinctively modest. To the greatest extent, this is probably due to the fact that other, more theoretical concerns have preoccupied political scientists, but to some extent it is the case because of conceptual and methodological difficulties. The implications for political science research relevant to state legislative reorganization which are widely

Book Notes

AN ANALYSIS OF FULL EMPLOYMENT IN AUSTRALIA: Labour Market Studies No. 2.MIND THE CURVE! A history of the cable trams. By John D. Keating.COOK THE WRITER. By J. C. Beaglehole.CAPTAIN COOK: Navigator and Scientist. Papers presented at the Cook Bicentenary Symposium, Australian Academy of Science, 1 May 1969. Edited by G. M. Badger.CAPTAIN COOK'S AUSTRALIAN LANDFALLS: Eyewitness accounts by members of the ship's company of H.M.S. Endeavour 1770. By W. D. Forsyth.THE SQUATTING AGE IN AUSTRALIA. By S. H. Roberts.THE CONVICT SETTLERS OF AUSTRALIA: An enquiry into the origin and character of the convicts transported to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, 1787–1852. By L. L. Robson.ALLAN CUNNINGHAM, BOTANIST AND EXPLORER. By W. G. McMinn.ISLAM IN INDIA'S TRANSITION TO MODERNITY. By M. A. Karandikar.COMMUNALISM AND THE WRITING OF INDIAN HISTORY. By Romila Thapar, Harbans Mukhia and Bipan Chandra.LENIN THROUGH INDIAN EYES. By K. P. S. Menon.THE PARTITION OF AFRICA: Illusion or Necessity. Edited by Robert O. Collins.CONSUMERS IN POLITICS: A history and general review of the Co‐operative Party. By Thomas F. Carbery.KANT'S POLITICAL WRITINGS. Edited with an introduction by Hans Reiss.SELF AND SOCIETY IN MEDIAEVAL FRANCE: The Memoirs of Abbot Guibert of Nogent (1064?‐c1125). Edited with an introduction and notes by John F. Benton.UNDERSTANDING THE CONSTITUTION: Fifth edition of Edward S. Corwin and Jack W. Peltason's 1949 volume. By J. W. Peltason.MODERN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC: The Federal Budget and the Public Sector in National Economic Accounts. By Bruce F. Davie and Bruce F. Duncombe.POWER IN AMERICAN STATE LEGISLATURES: Case Studies of the Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi and Oklahoma legislatures. Edited by Alex B. Lacy Jr.AMERICAN POLITICS: Research and Readings. Edited by Stephen V. Monsma and Jack Van Der Slik.PUBLIC OPINION AND POLITICS: A Reader. Edited by William J. Crotty.SUBNATIONAL POLITICS: Readings in State and Local Government. By Joseph F. Zimmerman.APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE. Edited by Michael Haas and Henry S. Kariel.MAN AND HIS ENVIRONMENT: Octagon Lectures, 1969. Edited by R. T. Appleyard.A WORLD IN REVOLUTION? The University Lectures, 1970. Edited by Eugene Kamenka.THE PENDULUM YEARS: Britain and the Sixties. By Bernard Levin.

Lobbying: Interaction and Influence in American State Legislatures.

Lobbying: Interaction and Influence in American State Legislatures.

Bases of Authority in Legislative Bodies: A Comparative Analysis

This study assumes that the authority of leaders in legislative bodies must rest on bases other than their formal position alone. It compares legislative leaders and rank-and-file members in four American state legislatures in terms of three criteria-respect, affection, and expertise. These values, it appears, are attributed to leaders and members in different degrees, but expertise in a particular area of specialization does not seem to be a highly valued requisite of leadership. Moreover, a group of challengers seems to compete with the leaders for their fellow members' affection and respect and may constitute a reserve of future leaders. However, the leaders here studied still maintain their favored position, especially in regard to the attribution of respect. The study concludes that their being attributed preferred characteristics more frequently than other members is perhaps a necessary, though not a sufficient, condition for the effective exercise of legislative leaders' formal authority. Heinz Eulau is professor of political science, Stanford University.

Legislative Representation: With Special Reference to New York

In 1955, President Eisenhower's Commission on Intergovernmental Relations pointed out that our state legislatures were the most powerful and influential instruments of government in the United States when the average citizen could look primarily to his state legislature for initiative and wisdom in the formulation of public policy on domestic issues. Today, however, the Commission's report continued, American state legislatures are overshadowed by the governor and the national government, primarily because the legislatures have failed to solve the more difficult problems of our rapidly changing society. The legislature's failure to meet these problems, the Commission argued, has been caused largely by the legislature's unrepresentative character.1 Although urban inhabitants outnumber rural dwellers in a majority of our states, rural voters control one or both houses of the legislature in most states. Although Massachusetts probably has the most representative state legislature in the United States, yet a majority of neither house represents a popular majority.2 In California, a senatorial majority represents less than twelve per cent of California's population, while a majority in Connecticut's House comes from districts where less than ten per cent of Connecticut's people live.3 Although New York's Legislature may be highly representative in comparison with California's Senate or Connecticut's House, a majority of New York's senators will represent only thirty-eight per cent of New York's citizen population after the Reapportionment of 1963, while a majority of New York's assemblymen will come from districts where only 36.5 per cent of New York's citizen inhabitants live.4

American state legislatures in mid-twentieth century. Final Report of the Committee on Legislative Processes and Procedures of the National Legislative Conference. Council of State Governments, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37, April 1961. 24 pp. $2.00

American state legislatures in mid-twentieth century. Final Report of the Committee on Legislative Processes and Procedures of the National Legislative Conference. Council of State Governments, 1313 East 60th Street, Chicago 37, April 1961. 24 pp. $2.00