Herein, we further examine how we can value nonmarket goods and services by considering the costs associated with environmental conflicts. Focusing on two American rules—the asymmetric reimbursement system and the contingent fee contract—we develop a strategic game-theoretic model in which a citizens group engages a delegate through a contingent fee compensation contract, while a polluter engages a delegate through an hourly fee compensation contract. If the citizens group prevails, the polluter is obligated to contribute a portion of the contingent fee. Solving for the subgame perfect equilibrium, two results emerge. First, the 4x-rule can be maintained through the adjustment of the asymmetric reimbursement system. Second, the asymmetric reimbursement system can serve both as a supplementary method to measure nonmarket valuation and to reduce the rent dissipation resulting from environmental conflicts under general circumstances.

The United States’ benevolent assimilation of the Philippines in the 1898 Treaty of Paris led to a huge backlash against the three centuries of Hispanic Catholicism in the country. Consequently, Protestant missionaries and the Aglipayans flourished in the archipelago while a huge number of Filipinos started to deflect from the Catholic faith. This colonial transition entailed protecting Catholicism and the Congregation of the Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres (SPC) were among those who responded to the call of evangelization, dedicating themselves to education, care of the sick, and Catholic ministry among the underprivileged. The SPC Sisters were the first of European congregations to come to the Philippines with their missionary efforts during the American rule, forging a collective narrative of how the Church struggled and grappled with the social issues of the times. This study utilized interviews and dutifully examining the archives of the congregation to trace SPC’s journey in that period, chronicled the congregation’s odyssey as it relentlessly displayed evangelical zeal, courage, and valor while taking on the challenge of Pro Tutela Fidei (for the protection of the faith).

Barely a month into his second term as President of the United States of America, Donald Trump unashamedly projected American exceptionalism and imperialism, or more specifically, a crude form of American empire. Among the numerous executive orders Trump signed was one on South Africa. Trump claimed that the minority Afrikaner group was being targeted by the democratic government. The executive order was linked to a narrow identity politics in one instance and to a material base in another. While the executive order targeted South Africa, it was symbolic of a broader strategy to support and enable a global far right constituency. In this paper the claims made by Trump in his executive order are engaged. We do this through a brief contextual consideration of South Africa, focusing particularly on the issue of land reform. The paper engages with the ramifications of Trumps’ order and argues that the primary aim is to remove barriers to accumulation in spaces such as South Africa. One instance of the strategy is to weaponize aid. The goal is crude and coarse—the transfer of public wealth to a minority and the consolidation of American rule.

Tracing the Origins of Michigan’s American Rule Denying Attorney Fees to Winners in Civil Litigation

Purpose The Philippines has a long history of scientific and technological development from pre-colonial times through Spanish and American rule, marked by periods of both progress and neglect. In response to the growing importance of science and technology (S&T), the country established the National Science Development Board (NSDB) in 1958, which evolved into the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) in 1987. This transition facilitated significant advancements in research and technology through substantial investments. Despite these efforts and progress, challenges such as inadequate infrastructure, limited funding and insufficient human resources continue to hinder the sector’s growth and global competitiveness The purpose of this study is to analyze the evolution of S&T policies in the Philippines, assess innovation and research outputs, and identify key growth areas to provide insights that can guide policymakers in enhancing the country’s global competitiveness Design/methodology/approach This review analyzed available literature, government reports, policy documents and data from the Global Innovation Index (GII) and SCImago Journal and Country Ranking (SJR) to trace the evolution of S&T policies in the Philippines, identify growth areas and assess innovation and research outputs, providing insights to guide policymakers in enhancing the country’s global competitiveness. Findings The study highlights the challenges that remain in infrastructure, funding and human resources despite significant investments in S&T to enhance global competitiveness. The scarcity of skilled professionals such as scientists, researchers and engineers was particularly concerning, emphasizing the need for increased investment in education and training programs. It also underscored the importance of sustained support, funding and collaborations between government, academia and industry innovation, technological progress and sustainable growth in the global S&T sector. Originality/value The review provides a roadmap for advancing the Philippines’ S&T sector, emphasizing the need to overcome ongoing challenges. To fully realize its potential, the country should boost R&D investment, improve science education and strengthen the innovation ecosystem. Collaboration among policymakers, industry leaders and academic institutions is essential to build on past successes and develop a more dynamic and resilient S&T landscape for the future.

The Philippines is a country of more than 7,000 large and small archipelagoes. It consists of several ethnic groups, especially Moros, Lumads, and Christian Filipinos who have lived as natives in Mindanao's Bangsamoro region. Prior to the Spanish invasion, the sultan and barangai coexisted without serious conflict. However, through the Spanish invasion, American rule, and the experience of authoritarian regimes, the separation of the Philippines and Moros, as well as the policies of oppression and alienation of Moros and Lumads, became violent conflicts, and became an element of instability in society. The colonial powers of Spain and the United States separated the natives by religious lines and maintained power, putting Christians and Muslim Filipinos at odds with each other. The Christianity and Western ideology that accompanied centuries of colonial rule had a great influence on the formation of the Filipino spirit. The Moros were regarded as part of the Filipino “others” that were not fully assimilated or integrated into the structure of a wider 'homogeneous' Filipino society, mainly due to their Muslim beliefs. The division between the Christian and Muslim Filipinos continued after the colonies. The policies of various Philippine administrations have only exacerbated this separation, and unfortunately, the continued alienation of the Moro people from their ancestral homeland, leading to systematic alienation and ethnicization, which has caused many grievances. This has been one of the factors behind the emergence of the Moro resistance group and the Christian extremist group, which have become the protagonists of the conflict, which, 45 years later, has not yet met a decisive end.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the perception in the United States of the J. Biden administration transatlantic policy in economic sphere and role of the European countries in forming the new system of international relations. Considering this policy in the context of the process of fragmentation of the global economy, the authors analysed the views of the most active political and ideological groups within the American ruling elite. Although the overwhelming majority of politicians and experts agree with the administration's strategic line on the formation of integrated transatlantic economy as the core of a new system of international relations, nevertheless, they see different ways to achieve this goal. Thus, centrist Democrats believe that the United States should use its leadership to organise rapid and tough integration; conservative Democrats emphasise gradual transition and a soft policy towards the EU; progressive Democrats insist on climate priorities; moderate Republicans are for strategic control without European access to the US market; conservative Republicans see the basis of the unification only in center-right unity. At the same time, most groups agree with the administration on key issues related to the need for EU countries to withdraw from the Chinese market, the use of protectionist tools, countering the antitrust policy of Europeans, etc. It is concluded that in its transatlantic economic policy the administration receives confident support from the main groups of the American elite.

Abstract Why have scandalous sprees of lawbreaking by U.S. government officials proven so seductive yet so difficult to prosecute? This article takes the Iran-Contra scandal of the Reagan–Bush era as an instructive case study and red flag in the attitudinal erosion of the belief in the rule of law among American conservatives. Before the scandal broke, officials and legal counsels willfully mis-interpreted a clear prohibition to fund counter-revolutionaries and fabricated a post-facto presidential permission in order to sell weapons to Iran without congressional oversight. Congress's assumption that government officials would obey its statutes resulted in neither wrongdoing being punishable by criminal sanctions. Conservatives therefore argued that ends justified neglecting certain laws while also denying they had broken any laws. Prosecutors found themselves compelled to prosecute Iran-Contra's defendants over more prosaic crimes such as lying and stealing rather than more abstract and damaging ones. President George H. W. Bush's pardon of Iran-Contra defendants contributed to an impunity that further eroded the American rule of law to this day.

Abstract: The Hijas de María, a global Catholic laywomen’s organization, were active in Puerto Rico from the end of Spanish rule through North American rule. Their organizational structure and their pieties buttressed the Church’s few pastors and, after the North American invasion, its new hierarchy. In the space that the institutional Church could not fill, the Hijas’ devotions provided the laity with new, feminized paths for holiness. The devotional life of the Hijas de María developed within new global currents in the Church, including increasing Roman influence and a greater focus on children and their potential sanctity. This is also a story of how Puerto Rican Catholic women met modernity and its secular influences and claimed the island for their own and the interests of religion and the Church.

The present study attempts to investigate the resistance of Philippine people against Spanish rule in 1521 and American rule in 1898, along with their resistance against the colonialists in the Philippines, island country of Southeast Asia. Additionally, the attitude of the Ottoman Empire towards these controlled and Ottoman-Philippine relations will also be analyzed. The Philippines remained under Spanish rule for several centuries until the Americans arrived. Given that the geographical location of the Philippine islands is on one of the historically important trade route networks stretching from Europe to the Far East and the China Sea, these relations have become more crucial. During this period Captain John P. Finley, the U.S. governor of Zamboanga in the Philippines made a visit to Istanbul and tried to persuade the Ottoman administration that Muslims should not resist the American occupation by using the influence of the caliph on Muslims. The main resources of our research are based on the documents in the Presidential Ottoman Archives and their background. National and international research on the Philippines have also guided us through our research.

This study places more of an emphasis on the hypertensive guidelines that are recommended for the management of hypertension by the American College of Cardiology (ACC) and the American Heart Association (AHA), as well as the European Society of Cardiology (ESC) and the European Society of Hypertension (ESH). This study examines the development of several different guidelines and focuses primarily on contrasting the similarities and differences that are given by American and European guidelines. Both sets of recommendations encourage the use of an optimal method for measuring blood pressure, such as the use of home blood pressure (BP) monitoring, or ambulatory monitoring, which a key recommendation is given by both sets of recommendations for the primary prevention of hypertension, and non-pharmacological treatment, such as modifying one's lifestyle, as the primary intervention. There are some differences between American and European BP treatment guidelines when it comes to determining what constitutes high BP and determining what BP level should serve as the treatment goal. To start pharmacological therapy, the AHA and ACC suggest maintaining a BP of at least 130/80 mmHg with an ASCVD positive or a cardiovascular risk of more than 10%, but the ESH and ESC propose maintaining a BP of at least 140-159/90-99 mmHg. Following American rules, high BP is divided into two stages; however, according to European recommendations, it is divided into three stages. Both sets of recommendations strongly encourage the use of combination therapies that only require one pill, such as single-pill treatment for multiple conditions, and both sets of recommendations restrict the use of certain drugs, such as beta-blockers, to patients who also have additional medical conditions.

ABSTRACT The Spanish-American War of 1898 ushered in an era of American rule over the Philippines that formally ended in 1946. An expansive colonial government developed with Americans filling most professional positions early on. There was a slow transition to Filipinos holding those positions, and this process can be seen in the field of librarianship. By the middle of 1924 library leadership and the teaching of library science was firmly in the hands of Filipinos. The University of Wisconsin and those associated with the institution, both Americans and Filipinos, played leading roles in the development of Philippine librarianship. This article explores this special relationship, focusing on the pre–World War II era.

For Professor Epstein, the distinctively American rule of employment-at-will (“EAW”) in its original, harsh form—which allowed either party to terminate employment at any time for good reason, bad reason, or no reason at all—is an exemplar of “simple rules for a complex world.” This Essay will reflect on a few ways in which EAW, plain and simple, is too simple for our complex world—too simple in light of the complexities of labor markets and of human and organizational behavior, and too simple in light of evolving societal conceptions of justice. As things now stand, given the legal complexity that has been layered atop the EAW rule in this complex world, the “just cause” rival of EAW would bring greater simplicity along with its primary virtues of fairness, economic security, and dignity for workers.

Reviewed by: Colonial New Mexican Families: Community, Church, and State, 1692–1800 by Suzanne M. Stamatov Anna M. Nogar Colonial New Mexican Families: Community, Church, and State, 1692–1800. By Suzanne M. Stamatov. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 2018. Pp. 256. $55.00. ISBN 978-0-826-35920-9.) Suzanne Stamatov’s instructive, well documented Colonial New Mexican Families: Community, Church, and State, 1692–1800, offers readers an even-handed view into the pragmatic interactions among New Mexicans during the second half of the Spanish colonial period. The text centers on family and community interactions—marriage, inheritance, domestic conflict—as recorded in civil and religious records. Stamatov consulted the archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe and the New Mexico State Archives, centering her work on U.S.-based collections pertaining to colonial New Mexico. Since this documentation arises from exchanges between individuals and institutions, the negotiations it relates pertain to processes, rules, [End Page 216] and appeals. Stamatov skillfully and selectively extrapolates conflicts and relationships from the bureaucratic shadows they cast in the archive. Colonial New Mexican Families is divided into six content chapters. The first two, “The Setting” and “Civil Authorities, Civil Law and the Family,” establish the historical context and explain the relationship between community expectations and the law. Stamatov outlines this dynamic balance: “community members in New Mexico intervened in the ‘private matters’ of neighbors, becoming involved when they perceived injustices or transgressions of community standards” (p. 28). The next four chapters explore various facets of family-church-state-community interactions: “The Sacrament of Marriage,” “Sexuality and Courtship,” “Marriage,” and “Domestic Life and Discord.” In each, the book approaches the primary documentation from the established perspective of dynamic balance between community and the law. One of the book’s strengths is in the appealing and historically accurate vignettes Stamatov crafts of out of archival materials. She opens and closes the book in this manner, with an extended exposition of a 1766 legal case brought by a grandmother, María Luisa de Aragón, against her son-in-law, who had attempted to block a marriage proposal for his daughter. Stamatov unfolds the testimonies of the two contestants, as well as reports of the villagers from the community of Tomé, where María Luisa had raised her granddaughter. Drawing historical individuals out of the record and providing them with carefully chosen detail makes what could have been a dry archival analysis lively and engaging. The tables, figures, and charts presented in the index provide a synthetic presentation of the ideas explored in the book. They include information regarding household composition, surname clusters, and data for ages of marriage. All of this is very interesting, though one might ask why there are no charts explaining household composition for homes headed by women, as widows made up a substantial proportion of the population. This small gap surprises, as Colonial New Mexican Families ably demonstrates the extent to which Hispana women in New Mexico possessed agency in their private and public affairs and employed ecclesial and civil systems to assert it. Further, Stamatov makes clear that nuevomexicanas controlled their own estates and did not suffer from the male-centered inheritance laws that would later plague the region once it came under American rule: “documentation shows that [New Mexican] parents tried to implement inheritance laws fairly and endow their male and female children equally” (p. 6). Colonial New Mexican Families is restrained in its conclusions, prudent rather than sweeping. This is one of the book’s noteworthy features: it favors a measured perspective over grand generalizations. When Stamatov asserts that “overall, people recognized that their community’s strength lay in living together peacefully . . . they interpreted the laws flexibly to avoid alienating the neighbors whom they needed in order to survive in the remote Kingdom of New Mexico” (p. 8), the argument is convincing rather than overextended. This quality makes the book an excellent [End Page 217] choice for history scholars of the Southwest, Mexico, and the Spanish colonial period, of course. However, it will also hold appeal for students and researchers in the fields of Latin American studies, gender and women’s studies, and Catholic studies. The book’s accessible...

The education system in the Philippines has been argued by one of its most prominent historians, Renato Constantino, as the root of confounding national identities in the post-independence Philippines and the multitudes of the internal crisis faced by the country. Constantino was regarded as a “left-wing” scholar, raising difficult questions on the nation’s adaptation of colonial thoughts and the uncritical approach to Americanisation, a result of the education model introduced by the administration of the United States (1898-1901). This study focuses on American rule in the Philippines from the establishment of the Department of Public Instruction in 1901 which had formed and implemented education policies in the country to the founding of the Commonwealth government in 1935, an interim government before the United States granted full independence to the Republic of the Philippines in 1946. This paper proposes that conflicts in the Philippines can best be understood through a critical reading of Constantino’s controversial and critical works. Additionally, this paper also stresses discussion on the interconnectedness between political problems, social issues, and post-colonial education which had affected the Philippines, and in general many formerly colonized nations.

This article aims to carry out a comparative analysis between the main legislative innovations in the matter of administrative process in the last 21 years in Brazil in relation to the discipline of this topic by the United States legal system. Therefore, the Federal Administrative Procedure Law, the reform of the LINDB and the General Law of Regulatory Agencies will be analyzed and compared to some American rules and principles of administrative process. With such comparative analysis, we intend to investigate the existence of a global trend of recognition of the administrative process as a way of rationalizing and democratizing the decision-making process of Public Administration under the leadership of American law.

George Mason’s America: The State Sovereignty Alternative to Madison’s Centralized American Ruling Class Aristocracy (Preface)

The paper is dedicated to the history of the education system in the Philippines during the period of American rule in the islands, and subsequently during the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II. The author touches upon such aspects as the implementation by the US authorities of the education reform in the American manner (the pros and cons are considered) within the framework of the political goals of the American government; then how the educational sphere changed during the Commonwealth period, what features were inherent in it during the 4 years of the Japanese military regime. Separately, the author touches on the history of the country's main university – the University of the Philippines.

For decades, American historical scholarship about Philippine-American relations was limited. But when the Vietnam War focused attention on U.S. relations with Southeast Asia, new, archivally based research began. Among the first to appear was Theodore W. Friend's Bancroft-prize-winning book, Between Two Empires: The Ordeal of the Philippines, 1929–1946 (1965). Next Bonifacio S. Salamanca, Peter W. Stanley, and Glenn A. May explored the first twenty years of the American colonial experience. Likewise, sophisticated studies of the Philippine-American War (1899–1902) emerged. While these impressive accounts examined the relationship in a traditional framework, René Alexander D. Orquiza Jr. explores how the colonizers' food reflected their perspective on colonization. Except for the first chapter, “First Impressions,” which explores how American journalists, bureaucrats, and soldiers in the islands felt about food, the book is organized topically, though throughout it focuses more on the earlier years of American colonial rule. The chapters analyze menus, travel guides,...

Abstract In 1964 a Korean scholar wrote to Langston Hughes, asking him to send some sources for publishing the “first Negro literature series” in Korea. Providing some of his books, Hughes supported the project that would feature “The Negro Speaks of Rivers” and other works. This article examines how Koreans translated “The Negro Speaks of Rivers” and other poems from the late 1940s to 1970s to explore Hughes's long-lasting influence on Korea. Korea's political landscape drastically changed during this period, punctuated by the ending of American military rule and the beginning and deepening of Korean authoritarian rule. The author argues that Korean writers, inspired by black resistance to American racism, disseminated Hughes poems to instill a sense of democracy in Koreans under the dictatorial regime. By building on scholarship of Hughes's global interactions, this article traces a transpacific legacy of Hughes's humanistic aesthetics that encouraged Koreans to envision social justice.