ABSTRACT Neon signs have been a defining feature of Hong Kong’s urban and visual culture for decades. In Wan Chai’s red-light district, they were particularly dense and diverse. This study, drawing on online archives, field observations, and the theoretical framework of the translational city, divides the district’s evolution into three phases: American dominance in the 1960s – 1970s, characterized by Western fantasies of the Orient in this diasporic space; a China-West balance from the 1980s to the early 2000s, embodying a cosmopolitan atmosphere and a fully realized ‘third space’; and a shift toward a China-centred global city since the 2010s, marked by homogenized modernity. The neonscape functions as a barometer of sociocultural and geopolitical change, offering insights into the red-light district’s transformations and Hong Kong’s broader historical trajectory. This study demonstrates how translation, as a metaphor, elucidates the flexible interplay of cultural elements in multicultural urban spaces shaped by global and local stimuli.

The paper touches upon China’s expanding international role, its economic power, geopolitical influence, cultural reach, and evolving identity as a Global South Leader. Since the end of the Second World War up till the beginning of the 21st century American domination in the discipline of International Relations was based not only on quantitative indicators, such as a number of people, publications, funds and so on, but primarily on “paradigm dominance.” The end of the Cold War served as the starting point of a long transition from America’s unipolar world order towards the Chinese World Order with various actors presenting themselves as alternatives to what was seen as the US-led neoliberal world order: The European Union, BRICS, Russia, the Islamic State as the new Caliphate and so on. In this context the concept of Global China deserves special attention. China’s global thought in the twentieth century was syncretic – mixing and matching concepts, ideologies and goals from traditional China, liberalism, social Darwinism, anti-imperialism, communism, etc. The concept of Harmony has played one of the key roles in shaping the Chinese World Picture.

ABSTRACT This paper presents an explanation for globalization centred around a relatively-novel area of inquiry in the study of the phenomenon: American foreign policy. We trace the transformation in how American foreign policy makers approached globalization from the late 1960s to the early 1990s; from a multilateral strategy called ‘Trilateralism’ in the 1970s, to a strategy called ‘Enlargement’ in the early 1990s, based around American dominance. Where proponents of Trilateralism sought to build a global political-economic architecture to govern markets, proponents of Enlargement supported economic liberalization as a means of fostering democratization. We show that, rather than being purely a story of market liberalization, globalization was in large part a product of this shift in American foreign policy. This argument has implications for the contemporary political backlash to globalization, which we argue represents the continued rejection of multilateralism in American foreign policy.

Heart failure with preserved ejection fraction and exercise: a review based on bibliometric analysis from 2010 to 2025.

Importance. The relevance of the chosen topic is justified from both a scientific and, to a certain extent, a practical perspective. Despite a number of domestic studies dedicated to Canada during World War II, there have been no works concerning the scientific sphere of this North American dominion. However, a more important aspect is the fact that studying the organization of interaction between Canadian science, business, and the state during the global conflict could be useful in the current situation for modern Russia. Of course, Canada of the 1940s and the Russian Federation of 2025 are very different countries. But studying Canada’s experience, its mistakes and successes in organizing military production and research in strategic areas could help to avoid similar mistakes or to competently scale successful models for our conditions. An argument in favor of this concept is that Canada faced the task of organizing military production within a market economy, in some cases “from scratch”. A similar situation exists in modern Russia – the existence of a market and the consequences of the 1990s allow for some parallels to be drawn. Materials and Methods. This research relies on a body of official Canadian materials related to the work of various divisions of the National Research Council (hereinafter – NRC) of Canada, as well as a number of studies on the Canadian war economy and works dedicated to Canada’s participation in World War II. The methodological basis of the study is founded on a number of specialized historical research methods: the historical-systemic, historical-genetic, and historicalcomparative methods. Results and Discussion. The war fundamentally changed the NRC, transforming it from a small scientific council into a central body for mobilizing Canadian science and industry. Its structure became complex and branched. The structure of the NRC from 1939–1945 was a flexible and powerful network, with the Council itself as its central node, coordinating the efforts of science, the military, and industry through a system of committees, its own laboratories, and controlled corporations. It was not a rigid vertical but rather a “hub-and-spokes” model, where the NRC acted as the coordination center. In “long-term” projects, the use of associate committees allowed for combining the advantages of three elements: creativity from science, resources and capabilities from the state, and swift decision-making combined with pragmatism from business structures. Conclusions. The system created by the National Research Council of Canada proved to be quite effective for solving problems “in the long run” and only through the combination of “science – state – business”. The NRC created a large national innovation network. This decentralized, yet excellently coordinated structure allowed Canada, a country with a relatively small population, to make a significant contribution to the scientific and industrial support for the Allied victory.

ABSTRACT This article situates Anthony Burgess’s A Clockwork Orange (1962) in the context of the decline of British hegemony following the Second World War and the rise of what would eventually be known as capitalist realism. Burgess’s novel of a youth culture being controlled by an authoritarian state confirms the hypotheses of Fredric Jameson on postmodernism and Mark Fisher on canceled futures, namely that alternatives to the dominant social order have now been reincorporated into the logic of late capitalism. The dystopian novel’s pastiche of different languages found in the characters’ futuristic lingo is evidence of a cultural exhaustion that characterizes our inability to make sense of linear time in the era of neoliberalism. Moreover, the novel’s alternative version as it appeared in the United States signaled the rise of American dominance on the world stage. A Clockwork Orange demonstrates the way Britain attempted to maintain its authority in global politics by clinging to its past, which shows that a key aspect of imagining the future lies in abandoning the hopeless nostalgia that is easily co-opted by nationalist supremacy.

Scientific ocean drilling is the longest-running international endeavor in the earth sciences. For over five decades, it has depended on large scale collaboration and unique drilling vessels to explore the sediments beneath the ocean floor, leading to some of the most significant breakthroughs in knowledge of the Earth and its oceans—ranging from studies of Earth’s geological deep past, to the dynamics of our planet and past climate changes, and to the discovery of life in extreme conditions. This paper examines the dynamics of national leadership, exclusive research technologies, and the role of scientific collaboration in shaping these expensive and politically significant projects, from the inception of scientific ocean drilling programs in 1968 to the early 2000s. Using Japan as a case study, this research highlights how scientific communities have shaped leadership by mobilizing national support for advanced technologies. Japan’s rise from participant to leader in ocean drilling, culminating in the development of the scientific drillship Chikyu and its riser drilling system, illustrates how scientific priorities collectively formulated by international groups can shape national agendas. Drawing on previously untapped archival sources, government reports, and interviews, this study offers fresh insights into the interplay between science diplomacy, national ambitions and budget oscillations to big science projects in ocean exploration, adding nuance to the conventional Cold War narrative of American dominance in marine research.

Abstract The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has dominated European security for decades, fostering stability and unity among its members. However, NATO enables European dependence on the United States, hindering European security cooperation and defense integration. The US commitment to Europe is increasingly uncertain, with shifting political priorities and limited resources. While some in the US argue for continued American dominance, others advocate for a more limited role, but both perspectives overlook the complexities of European security. A third approach is necessary, one that balances US commitments with European autonomy. As the global security landscape evolves, it's crucial to reassess NATO's role and forge a new path that promotes European self-sufficiency while maintaining transatlantic cooperation.

In the article, the author refers to the novelties in the US Arctic agenda that emerged after the second inauguration of D. Trump. In the course of the research, an attempt was made to answer a number of questions. Will the new US administration completely change its strategy in the Arctic, or will it continue to implement some percentage of the programs inherited from the Democrats? To assess the realism of individual elements of the republican Arctic program in terms of available capabilities and organizational measures. Having conducted a historiographical analysis of the works of domestic and foreign authors, as well as some of the author’s sources, it is concluded that in the context of the growing geopolitical and geo-economic importance of the Arctic in the system of US foreign policy priorities in the context of the Republican-democratic confrontation, there is a certain continuity that allows strengthening both the logistical and political-diplomatic foundations for American dominance in the Arctic region. Various parameters and scales of interaction between the Arctic states and the United States are being investigated, from their economic, political, and military cooperation, including through the use of force to realize their plans, to D. Trump’s idea of new territories joining the United States.

ABSTRACT Golden Dawn, the most successful National Socialist party since Hitler’s NSDAP and Greece’s third-largest political force at its peak, underwent a significant ideological shift in the 2010s. Initially, the party admired Islamist movements as anti-imperial allies in a shared struggle against Western globalism and Zionism, a stance rooted in antisemitic beliefs that framed Islamist resistance as countering perceived Jewish and American dominance. However, during the immigration crisis, as Greece became a major entry point for Middle Eastern immigrants, Golden Dawn pivoted sharply to Islamophobia, portraying Islam and Muslim immigrants as existential threats to Greek identity. Using discourse analysis of the Golden Dawn’s publications from 1993 to 2020, this article examines this transformation and introduces the Dynamic Nationalist Alignments (DNA) theory to explain how far-Right movements adapt ideological boundaries in response to situational pressures. The findings highlight the malleability of extremist ideologies and their exploitation of socio-political crises to maintain relevance and expand influence.

This study examines the Trump administration’s foreign policy as a complex strategy that intertwines political ambitions with commercial interests, resulting in global conflicts of interest. The authors employ a case study approach, policy analysis, and a review of existing literature to explore the impact of Trump’s new orientations on reconfiguring international geopolitics. The analysis focuses on global issues the] Transfer of Palestinians from Gaza Strip, Russian-Ukrainian War and the Precious Metals Deal, The Rupture in The Transatlantic Alliance, and the Trade War with China[. The findings indicate that Trump’s policies, rooted in the pursuit of "Make America Great Again" “MAGA” from a businessman’s perspective, are pushing the geopolitical landscape to move at a rapid pace; it is likely to damage the US relationships with its traditional allies while fostering closer cooperation between Moscow and Beijing in countering American dominance. This approach, driven predominantly by economic interests, poses a threat to international agreements and destabilizes the global order—a system that the US played a pivotal role in shaping in the aftermath of World War II and consolidating following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

ABSTRACT Throughout is 75-year history, NATO’s European and Canadian allies have had a dependent and uneasy relationship with the United States. The relationship persisted because the United States was willing to shoulder a large proportion of the costs of memberships in return for a leadership role. Donald Trump has seemingly rejected that trade-off. The second Trump administration’s America First agenda presents a unique challenge to the Alliance. The administration has insisted the allies take on a greater share of NATO’s defence burden; Trump may also seek a peace-settlement in Ukraine that requires extraordinary European effort to police. The Alliance remains as susceptible as ever to the vagaries of American dominance and Trump’s position illustrates the inescapable fragility of transatlantic dependency.

Abstract This article investigates the British and American interventions in Greece during the Greek Civil War, examining their legal and moral justifications. Using archival documents, the study uncovers two primary layers of discourse: the official diplomatic language of opinio juris (conviction of legality) and opinio moris (conviction of morality), alongside the covert political interests that drove these interventions. The research argues that British and American actions were primarily motivated by a ‘conviction of interest,’ with legal and moral narratives used tactically to justify their interventions. The archival materials reveal a notable lack of empathy and understanding from British and American officials regarding the trauma endured by the Greek populace due to the German occupation and collaborationist violence. Additionally, there was a significant neglect of the will of the Greek people. The study critically examines the Caserta and Civil Affairs Agreements, which provided a legal basis for British intervention, arguing that these agreements, when viewed in light of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, fail to justify the extent of foreign interference, thus questioning the authenticity of Greek consent. The article also explores the transition from British to American dominance in Greek affairs. As Britain faced economic constraints after the end of WWII, it ceded its role to the U.S., leading to the formulation of the Truman Doctrine and the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The U.S. intervention is analyzed through legal and geopolitical lenses, revealing a strategic focus on preventing communist expansion rather than providing purely legal or moral support for Greece’s recovery. Similar to British actions, American involvement often overlooked the political situation and the will of the Greek people, thereby contributing to prolonged instability.

The post-World War II landscape underwent a seismic shift, crystallising into a bipolar structure with the US-led West facing off against the Soviet Union, instigating the Cold War. However, the USSR's collapse in 1991 shattered this bipolarity, ushering in an era of American dominance (unipolarity). Yet, this once unassailable US-led global order is undergoing rapid contraction. In its wake, a fresh paradigm is unfolding as novel power centres coalesce to address shared dissatisfactions. Beijing, Moscow, and Tehran forge convergences, beckoning others to unite against US-led supremacy. Astonishingly, Saudi Arabia aligns with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) as a dialogue partner, relegating its erstwhile oil-for-security doctrine to antiquity. Simultaneously, the Brazilian President advocates terminating dollar supremacy. In a bold affront, Russia challenges the US world order through its Ukrainian incursion. Notably, Emmanuel Macron declares Taiwan beyond the West's scope, potentially puncturing American hegemony. This paper fervently explores how the burgeoning multipolar world order engenders arenas for regional powers, scrutinising the prospects and hurdles that confront New Delhi as it navigates India’s foreign policy.

This paper explores the evolution of economic theory in response to historical events and societal needs, focusing on the shift in attitudes toward planned economies. It argues that the changes in economic thought are micro-level reflections of macro-level trends. In the 20th century, major global events such as the rise and fall of Soviet socialism, the decline of British hegemony, and the ascendancy of American dominance shaped the trajectory of economic theories. The study examines how capitalism adapted to socialism through government intervention and eventually reverted to liberalism after the socialist experiment's failure. This paper also draws parallels between past and present geopolitical and economic dynamics, highlighting the similarities between early 20th-century British-German relations and current U.S.-China tensions. It discusses how China's response to U.S. protectionism and the need to craft a unique economic narrative are crucial in this context. Furthermore, the study critiques the extremes of planned and laissez-faire market economies, advocating for a balanced approach that integrates free market principles with government intervention. It underscores the importance of developing new economic theories that reflect China's unique experiences and can guide future development both domestically and globally. Finally, this paper calls for innovative theoretical frameworks to better describe the government's role in economic operations, emphasizing the need for China to assert intellectual leadership in the field of economics to avoid Western dominance and ensure the discipline's relevance to contemporary challenges.

The full understanding of the importance of submarine cables as part of the global network infrastructure in the digital economy era, along with decades of knowledge accumulation in this field, has not prevented Hong Kong from facing increasing difficulties in gaining more access to submarine cable systems since 2017. Given that geopolitical differences between China and the U.S. are dividing the international network infrastructure, the business interests of Hong Kong enterprises and the urban development prospects of the Hong Kong government have been forced to defer to Beijing’s security concerns. Meanwhile, in recent years China has been acquiring data power by modelling the “data collection – data sharing – data space governance” path that the United States and its allies set previously. During this process, the power shaped by China’s unique technological, social and institutional characteristics offers an alternative to American dominance, although it exacerbates the global divergence of internet infrastructure. Many projects along the Belt and Road Initiative and the Digital Silk Road are the examples of China’s data power projection, and will bring opportunities for Hong Kong’s own submarine cables sector and for the city’s role as a super connector in the coming years.

This paper aims to examine the shift of power from the US to China in the Middle East without paying attention to some of the most vital economic factors such as energy supply, infrastructural investments and trade. Using qualitative research, the study employs secondary research that involves surveying of peer academic journals, government data, and trade statistics. Also, it involves a comparative analysis of the economic factors and strategic policy comparison. According to the findings of the study, the oil imports and investments of China today are remapping the Middle East economy and poised to dethrone the American dominance in the region. The Chinese model is focused on economic relations and exchange and does not meddle in the domestic affairs of its counterparts, which is why many Middle Eastern countries looking for diversification and reliability are interested in this approach. Such a shift is capable of leading to new alignments of power on the international and regional levels or even the fall of American hegemony. The study also reveals the fact that the US must alter its strategy in order for it to be effective; the plan that the study recommends includes diplomacy and aid and also a cooperative approach, some economic incentives and a collaborative strategy. Some of the findings that have been established across the Middle Eastern countries include the need to be able to manage relations with superpowers and defend national interests as crucial for sustainable development. The implication for international ties, therefore, underscores a shift in the nature of power relations within the global system, hence the need to study further the social-political impact of Chinese financial engagement as well as the changing nature of the uneasy relationship between the US and China.

In recent years, the African continent has emerged as a key arena in the global power rivalry between the United States and China. This study delves into the shifting power dynamics in Africa, with a focus on the increasing influence of China amidst receding American dominance. The research employs document review to analyze the multifaceted nature of China's engagement in Africa, encompassing trade, infrastructure investments, and diplomacy, establishing China as Africa's primary trading partner. Notably, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) plays a pivotal role in reshaping Africa's infrastructure and economic landscape. Conversely, the United States has witnessed a decline in diplomatic presence, foreign aid reductions, and a diminished focus on economic engagement, leading to a decrease in its influence. The outcomes of this evolving dynamic are far-reaching. While Africa stands to benefit from potential economic transformation, concerns regarding debt sustainability and reliance on Chinese support persist. Geopolitically, Africa's strategic significance has triggered competition between China and the U.S., with potential implications for regional security. Moreover, Africa's critical role in global supply chains, particularly in resources such as minerals and energy, amplifies China's influence in global markets. African nations face the challenge of balancing economic growth, sovereignty, and regional stability. To counter China's expanding presence and enhance relations with African countries, the United States should prioritize revitalizing diplomacy, formulating a comprehensive trade policy, emphasizing development assistance, and collaborating on regional security initiatives. Cultivating cultural exchanges and respecting African agency are equally imperative steps in this endeavor.

Thomas More’s Utopia circulated widely in 16th-century Europe, where the work was printed up to eleven times. In addition to these Latin editions, which appeared in Louvain, Paris, Basel, Florence, Cologne and Wittenberg, we must add the vernacular translations of Utopia into German, Italian, French, English and Dutch, published during the 16th century. In peninsular Spain, where the text was not printed a single time in the 16th century, the circulation of Utopia seems to have been less intense than in other parts of Europe. Nevertheless, Utopia enjoyed considerable success in the American dominions of the Spanish Crown, especially in New Spain, where the work was read, translated, annotated and put into practice. This article analyses the impact of Utopia in sixteenth-century America and investigates the close relationship that existed between Thomas More’s work and the New World in the 16th century.

The text refers to the artistic practice of Jane Jin Kaisen, a visual artist born on the Korean Jeju Island, but living and working in Copenhagen. The starting point is her exhibition at esea contemporary in Manchester (2024), during which she showed works such as Halmang (2023), Of the Sea (2013) and The Woman, the Orphan, and the Tiger (2010). Balancing between multiple worlds, she portrays in them political histories and collective memories inextricably linked to individual stories. Returning as an adult to her home island, the artist here grapples with one of the most “silenced” events in modern Korean history. She “uncovers” colonialism, including not only the Japanese occupation and subsequent American domination, but also the phenomenon of transnational adoption to Western countries. In doing so, she evokes the world of haenyeo (women of the sea) and shamanic practices, while juxtaposing popularised memories of her grandfather and traditions of her grandmother/mother. One of her main motivations seems to be to explore the ways in which trauma from previous generations is passed on to the present and how to heal. Her ambiguous status as an adoptee and granddaughter of a Survivor makes it possible to evoke Marianne Hirsh's category of “post-memory” and the strategy of reviving and collecting stories, as Ernst van Apphen understands it. Jane Jin Kaisen is interested in revealing complexity rather than creating linear narratives, as she declares that she lacks concrete memories, which makes her turn to archival material. In this context, her practice can be assessed as a search for a trace or “ghost form” of history that needs to be redeemed and evoked in the present through shamanic rituals. In other words, in this way, she “frames and illuminates the sore spots”, demonstrating the invigorating function of art in dealing with tragic events.