American Coalition Research Articles

Partidismo gubernamental en los sistemas presidenciales. Una estrategia de análisis

Objective/context: Based on a definition consistent with the party government model, this article proposes a flexible typology to categorize and classify variants of partisanship in Latin American coalition presidential systems. Methodology: We advance a measurement strategy that, based on the assumptions of governmental partisanship, allows representing the individual-organizational link of cabinet members as committed, eventually consolidated, and hierarchical. This typology enables to measure the concept of governmental partisanship nominally, ordinally, and dichotomously. Conclusions: The measurement strategy makes it possible to observe a significant range of partisanship variation in Latin American coalition presidential systems. Additionally, it provides insights into how presidents decide on the composition of their cabinet. Originality: We propose an innovative approach to categorize and classify variants of partisanship in government.

Advancing Public Health: The Latin American Coalition for Escherichia coli Research

The Latin American Coalition for Escherichia coli Research (LACER) is an interdisciplinary, collaborative initiative aimed at advancing the understanding of E. coli. LACER brings together researchers, scientists, and healthcare professionals from various Latin American countries, in order to foster cooperation, the exchange of knowledge, and innovative research aimed at tackling the challenges posed by E. coli infection. Through a collaborative approach, LACER members engage in joint research projects, data sharing and capacity building activities. By promoting scientific dialogue and fostering international collaboration, the coalition seeks to enhance the region’s research capabilities, bridge knowledge gaps, and provide evidence-based recommendations to policymakers and healthcare providers. LACER also plays a crucial role in raising awareness concerning E. coli infection, promoting educational and training programs, and advocating for improved surveillance systems and public health interventions. By actively involving stakeholders from academia, government agencies and the private sector, the coalition aims to promote a holistic approach to E. coli research and control in Latin America. Through its diverse membership and comprehensive approach, LACER strives to improve prevention, diagnosis and treatment strategies, with the ultimate goal of mitigating the impact of E. coli on public health and agricultural systems in Latin America.

Reconstruction Politics in a Deep South State: Alabama, 1865–1874

In this fine political history, William Warren Rogers Jr. contributes to our understanding of Reconstruction in Alabama. While it is not a full history of Reconstruction in the Cotton State, the book expertly explains how the struggle over political power animated the era. “Reconstruction shook Alabama to its core” (p. 3). The defeat of the Confederacy resulted in revolutionary change in Alabama politics, especially with the end of slavery. Rogers rightly places race and the struggle for civil rights at the center of his study. He deftly interweaves the issues of race into a deep analysis of other matters such as economics, education, and partisanship. The reader finds inspirational stories of success and achievement as well as the bitter fruits of disappointment and failure as African Americans experienced the realities of freedom and political power in the postwar period. While race is the central focus, the plot is the story of the Republican party in Alabama. A coalition of white Alabamians, African Americans, and northern transplants, the state's Republican party emerged in large part because of the refusal of Democrats to accept the push for racial equality. Democratic stubbornness led those whites who wanted to move forward on other issues (such as railroads and economic development) to join the freedmen and radicals who also sought civil rights and equality. Thus, the Republican organization was tenuous and subject to division from the outset. Meanwhile, Democratic resistance to Reconstruction only solidified and grew more powerful. Rogers does well showing the players involved, whatever side they were on.

Targeted Telehealth Education Increases Interest in Using Telehealth among a Diverse Group of Low-Income Older Adults.

Telehealth allows older adults to take control over their health and preventive care; however, they are less likely to use telehealth. Minority older adults use telehealth services less than their White counterparts. During COVID-19, the U.S. Medicare system allowed for telehealth delivery of Annual Wellness Visits, which are known to improve use of preventive services. To increase telehealth use, we targeted vulnerable, low-income, minority older adults and provided education to improve knowledge of and identify barriers to telehealth use. Ultimately, this could serve as a means of improving health and preventive care services. Participants resided at independent living facilities, low-income housing, and elders of the Native American coalition; N = 257. Participants received written education materials; a subset attended a 20-min presentation. In this quasi-experimental study, participants completed a pre-post survey. Results were analyzed using Chi-Squared and Fisher’s Exact tests. Participants included 54 ‘in-person’ and 203 ‘at-home’ learners. Most were female (79%), single/widowed (51%), and white (65%). At baseline, 39% were familiar with telehealth; following education 73% stated understanding on accessing telehealth. Nearly 40% of participants said they would use telehealth in the future; a larger proportion of “in-person” (73%) learners were willing to use telehealth than “at-home” learners (41%) (p = 0.001). Divorced older adults and Blacks voiced greater likelihoods of using telehealth than their married/widowed and White counterparts, respectively (Χ2(3, N = 195) = 9.693, p = 0.02), (p = 0.01). This education program demonstrates an increase likelihood in health promotion among older adults by increasing confidence in accessing and future use of telehealth; therefore, we achieved our aim of promoting telehealth use and improving health promotion.

The Challenge to Control Emergence of Antibiotic Resistance in Virulent Escherichia coli Isolates in Latin America.

ABSTRACTThe Latin American Coalition for Escherichia coli Research (LACER) was created as a network of investigators using One Health approaches trying to understand infections caused by regional E. coli isolates and to sound the alarm due to the evolution of strains that are multiresistant to antibiotics (resistome) that also display different virulence profiles (virulome). After the COVID19 pandemic, a major concern by investigators has been the appearance of more virulent and resistant strains. Recently, a paper published in Microbiology Spectrum by Brazilian investigators (Fuga B., et al. Microbiol Spectr 10:e0125621, 2022, https://doi.org/10.1128/spectrum.01256-21) has used a genomic approach to demonstrate that during a period of 45 years, a wide resistome and virulome has converged, resulting in the appearance and persistence of high-risk clones affecting humans, animals and the environment, and its rapid dissemination is becoming an unattended international threat.

Creating Coalitions: Culture Centers, Anti-Asian Violence, and Black Lives Matter

This article focuses on the role of modern-day culture centers in higher education. An interview of 26 staff members from campuses across the country found that culture centers took on a significant role in coalition building between Asian American and Black communities during the COVID-19 pandemic and the current time of racial reckoning. The leadership role of these centers during this time highlights expansion of their original basic mission. Beyond serving as “home away from home” and retention spaces for historically excluded communities, the centers became educational spaces that promote cross racial understanding and affirm multiracial identity. This article reveals the racial narrative about Asian Americans, including the dangers of the model minority myth. The article further provides key historical references to Black and Asian American coalition building in the 20th century, which influenced how culture centers evolved in increasing cross racial understanding on their campuses. With expertise in diversity, inclusion, and equity, the current centers’ staff members have the opportunity to serve as thought leaders for their campuses and enhance their role and the centers’ role in campus administrative policy development for racial and social justice.

Heart to Heart Cards: A Novel, Culturally Tailored, Community-Based Advance Care Planning Tool for Chinese Americans

A paucity of literature describes the growing Chinese American community's end-of-life (EOL) priorities and preferences. Develop a culturally-tailored advance care planning (ACP) tool to understand the EOL preferences of this underserved minority group. Informed by the Cultural Appropriateness Theory, the Chinese American Coalition for Compassionate Care (CACCC) developed Heart to Heart (HTH) Cards using a 3-step approach. First, CACCC created and refined a list of bilingual, culturally relevant EOL issues. Next, CACCC organized the EOL issues into a card deck. Finally, CACCC developed a unique playstyle of the cards-the HTH Café. From 2014-2019, CACCC recruited Chinese American volunteers and participants for HTH Cafés. Following each Café, participants completed an anonymous survey describing their sociodemographics, top 3 cards, and café evaluation. The 54 HTH Cards were organized into 4 suits (spiritual, physical, financial/legal, and social). Each card displayed a culturally-tailored EOL issue in English and Chinese. Playstyles included one-on-one and group formats (ie. HTH Café). CACCC volunteers conducted 316 HTH Cafés for 2,267 Chinese American adults. Most participants were female (61.6%), between 18-50 years old (56.7%), lived in California (80.2%) and born in Asia (74.3%). The top priority (25.5%) was "If I'm going to die anyway, I don't want to be kept alive by machines." Participants thought the session was pleasant (99.5%) and expressed intent to complete advance directives (86.5%). HTH Cards represents the first, theory-driven, culturally-tailored ACP tool for Chinese Americans. More research is needed to establish its impact on ACP conversations and outcomes.

The influence of issue framing on support for solar energy in the United States

ABSTRACT Scholars argue that reframing the relevance of energy policy in ways that connect to a broader coalition of Americans can create the level of public engagement needed for government action. Therefore, I consider (1) how emphasizing economic, environmental, or both economic and environmental benefits of solar energy affects support for solar energy policy in the United States and (2) does reframing solar energy as economic and environmental benefits increase support for solar policy regardless of one’s initial perceptions about solar? I examine support for solar policy for 1317 adults throughout the United States. Respondents were randomly assigned to one of four frames: no frame (control), economic benefit, environmental progress, or environment progress and economic benefit. Respondents who received policy questions framed as both economic and environmental benefits were more likely to support solar policy mandates than those in the control group. With respect to preferring to live in a home powered by solar energy (no mandate), being exposed to the economic benefit frame had a significant impact over having no frame. However, the framing effect of solar as an economic benefit was greater for those who had less than a very positive, preexisting perception of existing and future solar development.

Face mask symbolism in anti-Asian hate crimes

ABSTRACT This article examines the intersectional locations of Asian Americans facing hate crimes during the COVID-19 pandemic by assessing the racial, gender, and related symbolism involved in many attacks on those wearing face masks. We demonstrate that a one-dimensional assessment of xenophobia is necessary but insufficient, as it elides the broader power of the societal majority in numerous contexts within US structural domains shaped by the dominant white racial framing. Considering solutions, we propose identification and formation of a broader coalition of Asian Americans with those who share comparable social intersectional locations and identities. Active promotion of a collective ethic and shared humanness is required to counter discrimination, cultural individualism, and socio-racial inequality.

Asian Americans, Admissions, and College Choice: An Empirical Test of Claims of Harm Used in Federal Investigations

The Coalition of Asian American Associations (CAAA) and Asian American Coalition for Education (AACE), two small but vocal groups of Asian Americans, have argued against affirmative action practices. One of their more prominent claims is that Asian American applicants who are not accepted and do not attend their first-choice colleges face a multitude of negative consequences, a claim that has become the impetus for the current U.S. Department of Justice’s investigation into the college admissions process at a number of universities. This study empirically tests the claims made by CAAA and AACE with particular attention to the differences in Asian American student outcomes, relative to their college admissions and choice decisions. Our findings indicate a limited, if any, statistical difference between Asian American groups that attend differing choice institutions.

The 1791 Amendments as the 'Bill of Rights,' Founding to Reconstruction (A Response to Revisionists)

Unlike the “Declaration of Rights” annexed to many state constitutions, the ten amendments added to the federal Constitution in 1791 have no formal title at all. It is only by cultural tradition that Americans refer to these provisions as our national “Bill of Rights.” Until recently, most scholars assumed that this tradition could be traced back to the moment of ratification. Over the last decade or so, however, a number of scholars have challenged this assumption. These “Bill of Rights revisionists” claim that Americans did not commonly refer to the first ten amendments as “the bill of rights” until the twentieth century. Prior to that, most Americans either did not believe they had a national bill of rights or they would have more likely pointed to the Declaration of Independence as the country’s “bill of rights” than to the 1791 amendments. If the revisionists are right, then a substantial portion of constitutional historical scholarship is shot through with historical error, in particular scholarship supporting the incorporation of the Bill of Rights as part of the Fourteenth Amendment. This essay examines the historical record in order to determine whether the claims of the Bill of Rights revisionists are correct. It presents the results of an exhaustive investigation of political, legal and cultural references to the “bill of rights” from the time of the Founding to Reconstruction (and beyond). These references, most of which are presented here for the first time, suggest that the revisionist claims about the ten amendments are false. Long before the twentieth century, and decades before Reconstruction, Americans commonly referred to the first ten constitutional amendments as “the Bill of Rights.” Moreover, references to the 1791 amendments as the national bill of rights vastly outnumber historical references to the Declaration of Independence as a “bill of rights,” and indicate that nineteenth century Americans were not at all confused about the meaning and content of their national “Bill of Rights.” If any “revision” is in order, it is the need to (1) revisit and revise our understanding of the original theoretical role played by the Bill of Rights at the time of the Founding and (2) recognize the remarkably broad coalition of Americans who, by the time of Reconstruction and the Fourteenth Amendment, embraced an altogether different theory of the 1791 amendments.

Limiting Weapons: Crafting International Nuclear Nonproliferation Standards from Latin America

After the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the Cuban Missile Crisis, the countries in Latin America created a communal framework for nuclear security and a nuclear-free zone through the Tlatelolco Treaty. Mexico, a middle power, emerged as the leader of the negotiations and Mexican diplomats later used Tlatelolco to actively participate in the formulation of international nuclear norms and institutions. How did a middle power, with limited capacities in the hierarchies of authority, influence global nuclear governance? Mexico strategically used the Latin American coalition and the nuclear standard as a way of amplifying its influence in the international negotiations.

Eating Insects Athens Conference 2018 and the North American Coalition for Insect Agriculture

Abstract In August 2018, the North American Coalition for Insect Agriculture (NACIA) organized a 3-d conference, Eating Insects Athens, in Athens, GA. The conference built on the success of the 2016 event, Eating Insects Detroit, and highlighted progress in both research and industry linked to insect agriculture. NACIA was created as a platform to strengthen an industry currently in its infancy. Goals of NACIA include, but are not limited to, promoting discussion about insect agriculture, educating, and streamlining efforts aimed at developing quality products for consumption by humans, livestock, poultry, or aquaculture. The 3-d Eating Insects Athens conference consisted of presentations, outreach events, and small group sessions to further develop the mission of NACIA. This overview article highlights some of the topics discussed at the conference, including optimizing production systems, developing standard operating procedures related to quality assurance, and investigating key issues such as palatability and bioavailability of insect nutrients, allergenicity, animal welfare, and ethics. Such research has the potential to improve the environmental impacts, resource efficiency, public acceptance, and regulatory approval of insect agriculture. Though the field and study of insect agriculture is young, the increased interest in research indicates a promising future.

Latin America in the climate change negotiations: Exploring the AILAC and ALBA coalitions

Latin American nations and negotiators have long been prominent actors in the United Nations climate change negotiations, but for many years, no distinctively Latin American coalition existed in that process. Since 2009, however, two Latin American coalitions have emerged—the “Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas” (ALBA), which came to the fore during the 2009 Copenhagen Climate Conference (COP‐15), and the “Independent Association of Latin America and the Caribbean” (AILAC), which was launched at the 2012 Doha Climate Conference (COP‐18). These two groups propose very different approaches for Latin American engagement on climate change, largely corresponding to their broader political and economic aspirations for the continent. Although ALBA reflects a Bolivarian vision of regional solidarity that rejects U.S.‐led neoliberalism, AILAC is more conciliatory toward the North, echoing a more outward‐looking vision of hemispheric unity. In line with these different underlying visions, the two groups have adopted contrasting positions and forms of engagement with the negotiations, with differing degrees of impact and success. AILAC now seems to be emerging as the stronger coalition, with its conciliatory approach better aligned with the current positive tone of the international negotiations. In contrast, internal contradictions within ALBA's narrative on climate change, along with political upheavals experienced by some of its key members, are weakening that group's cohesion. Theories of regionalism, combined with insights from the existing literature and some empirical analysis, help to illuminate these developments, enriching our understanding of international climate politics more broadly.This article is categorized under: Policy and Governance > International Policy Framework

"Machine Town": Panethnic Asian American Identity in Philadelphia Politics

This paper investigated the topic of panethnic Asian American political coalition-building in Philadelphia politics, to determine if efforts to forge such a coalition succeeded. This paper traced the scholarship accumulated across multiple spheres of Asian American studies ranging from the emergence of panethnic Asian American identity, Asian American involvement in American politics before and after the civil rights movement, and the continuing ethnic divisions within the Asian American community. Further research on urban politics and its intersection with ethnic identity was also investigated, yielding insights into the nature of the potential of and obstacles to successful panethnic political organizing across ethnic lines in the urban areas of the United States. Upon investigating data on the voting patterns of Asian Americans, the socioeconomic statistics on various Asian American ethnic groups, the organizational landscape of organizations--panethnic or ethnic--serving the Asian American community, and the political clout of Asian American political activists and groups in Philadelphia politics, the conclusion was reached that efforts to forge a panethnic Asian American coalition in Philadelphia politics have not succeeded. While the topic of panethnic Asian American politics in the urban context remains a relatively understudied topic in political science, the existing evidence points that there remain significant obstacles to panethnic political organizing in Asian American communities.

Pacific Worlds: Indigeneity, Hybridity, and Globalization

14 A&Q Indigeneity at Sea The sea was open to anyone who would navigate a way through. . . . Oceania is vast, Oceania is expanding, Oceania is hospitable and generous, Oceania is humanity rising from the depths of brine and regions of fire deeper still. —­ Epeli Hau’ofa, “Our Sea of Islands” In a context where representation (as “Asian American”) simultaneously takes place with nonrepresentation (the specificities of being Korean, Hmong, Pakistani ,etc.),PacificIslandersbecomeanotherun(der)representedAsianAmerican constituency to them that just needs more inclusion within the larger project. The problem with this, however, is that Pacific Islanders are not another underrepresented Asian constituency that fits uneasily into the Asian American coalition; they are not Asian American at all, and the political coalition that linked the two different pan-­ ethnic groups in the political and bureaucratic imaginary was the product of a moment that is long over, though its conceptual categories live on, much to the detriment of Pacific Islanders in general and Hawaiians specifically. —­ Lisa Kahaleole Hall, “Which of These Things Is Not Like the Other: Hawaiians and Other Pacific Islanders Are Not Asian Americans, and All Pacific Islanders Are Not Hawaiian” As always, this issue’s A&Q is a polyvocal feature, this time growing out of a panel organized by Charlotte Eubanks for the Global Asias 4 conference , convened at Penn State on March 31 through April 1, 2017. Each of the panelists was invited to respond to a set of questions (provided in edited form herein), reflecting on them from the specific vantage point of their own particularly institutional and disciplinary setting. The goal of the roundtable was to chart some of the interactions between notions of indigeneity and Asian-­ ness by focusing especially on Pacific Islanders and Oceania and attending to the particular histories, ideas, and epistemologies that such targeted attention might highlight. A & Q 15 1. What might a truly trans-­ Pacific Asian, Asian American, and/or Indigenous studies look like? If we set Asian studies and Asian American studies “adrift,” (how) can we craft meaningful alliances without erasing indigenous peoples and Pacific Islanders? 2. What is at stake—­demographically, aesthetically, legally, socially—­ in the categorization of Pacific Islanders with Asian Americans? With the categorization of Pacific Islanders with Indigenous peoples ? 3. How might we approach the relations between settler and indigenous communities without expunging difference and locality? What third terms are available, and how might these open crucial, nonbinary space? 4. How is your understanding of indigeneity shaped by, and how does it seek to shape, the institutions and disciplines in which you work? Pacific Worlds: Indigeneity, Hybridity, and Globalization RDK Herman The title of this essay today draws on my web-­based indigenous-­geography project Pacific Worlds (http://www.pacificworlds.com/). Created in 2000, this project works to portray Pacific Island communities through the words of community members themselves. The premise is that, despite climatic, linguistic, and material-­ culture similarities, each Pacific Island culture presents a complete and distinct worldview. And these worldviews developed in situ, through generations of interactions between the people and the environment. This kind of locally developed human–­environment knowledge is the cornerstone of what I call “indigeneity.” By this term, I am not referring to Indigenous Peoples as defined by the United Nations or other scholars or bodies. As I have stated elsewhere, all of our ancestors were Indigenous once, somewhere. Rather, my focus here is on a way of being in the world: being indigenous to a place means having a depth of knowledge, understanding , and connection to that place (Herman 2008). Indigeneity also includes a sense of stewardship and responsibility for managing that place and working respectfully with its nonhuman inhabitants. This included 16 A & Q holistic and spiritual engagement—­ both an extraordinary awareness of environmental conditions and, through that, a sense of consciousness and connectivity with the natural world and all its inhabitants. Prior to the onset of modernity, most people on this planet retained some degree of Indigeneity under this definition. I contrast indigeneity with modernity, the mode of human–­environment interaction based on industrial capitalism and characterized by commodification and exploitation of the environment. Capitalism fosters individual gain blind to consequences for other people, animals, and the natural world. And this approach...

Escherichia coli diseases in Latin America-a 'One Health' multidisciplinary approach.

The emergence and evolution of pathogenic Escherichia coli strains associated with animal and human infections continues being a topic of active investigation in recent years. Latin America has responded to this thread establishing the Latin American Coalition for Escherichia coli Research (LACER), a multidisciplinary group of scientists applying principles of the One Health initiative. LACER is integrating animal, human and environmental health for the mutual benefit of all, while reducing the impact of human disease. Here, I depict the usefulness of this approach by providing three examples from several priority areas in E. coli research and comparing them to the activities performed by LACER, which are enhancing collaborative efforts in biomedical research and providing a translational platform to connect with epidemiological studies and public health policy makers. The manuscript concludes with a brief historical description regarding the establishment of LACER, emphasizing the importance of collaboration between health professionals of different international organizations and not only across one specific country, to effectively combat current and future E. coli infections. The benefits of utilizing 'One Health' concepts in the establishment of LACER should encourage other professionals studying zoonotic or environmentally acquired human infections to implement effective international collaborations to combat common problems.

A Comparison of Obama’s 2007 and Hillary Clinton’s 2015 Bids for Presidency Speeches

The article sought to study Barack Obama's 2007 bid for the presidency in his Announcement Speech and Hillary Rodham Clinton's 2015 bid for the presidency in her Campaign Launch Speech. It focused on how both candidates used the central ideas and their development into the main ideas of the speeches to declare their bids for President of the U.S.A. The research raised some questions regarding whether the two speeches had similarities, as both politicians were running in the presidential race on the Democratic Party's path. The research method employed qualitative content analysis to study the core meaning of the speeches based on new analytical narratives viewed in terms of specific rhetorical strategies. Subsequently, the study interpreted the underlying thought behind the speeches by focusing on the central ideas and their elaboration into the main ideas. The article showed that Obama and Clinton shared some similarities as they attempted to earn the support of Americans of all backgrounds. They defended the cause of the middle-class economy. Obama focused more on a coalition of Americans of diverse background and change, whereas Clinton focused more on furthering the middle-class economy.

The Graying of the Immigrant DreamThe Sounds of Latinidad: Immigrants Making Music and Creating Culture in a Southern City. (Social Transformations in American Anthropology). By Samuel K. Byrd. New York: New York University Press, 2015.

The Graying of the Immigrant Dream<i>The Sounds of Latinidad: Immigrants Making Music and Creating Culture in a Southern City</i>. (Social Transformations in American Anthropology). By Samuel K. Byrd. New York: New York University Press, 2015.

"Nicaraguan Words": José Coronel, the Vanguardia, and Whitman's "Language Experiment"

IN A 1953 memoir, Jose Coronel Urtecho, the founder of the Nicaraguan avant-garde, recalls the shock of a US visitor who noticed a portrait of Walt in Coronel's isolated estate along the San Juan River, near the border of Costa Rica. Coronel wrote that for his Yankee guest to find in rural Nicaragua surprised him as much as finding a caiman on Beacon Street or a tapir tranquilly in Boston Common.1 Coronel's surreal language frames a strange, exotic-animal Walt who can somehow nonetheless (notice that he is grazing tranquilly) be calmly and easily translated into any new context (Rapido 27). Indeed, the relations between the US and Latin America, of which this portrait-encounter represents an intriguing instance, have often been shaped by both this mutual exotic fascination and by countless literary and cultural translations, intersections, and crosscurrents.2What was doing in Nicaragua? In fact, US and Nicaraguan histories have been inextricably linked since the mid-nineteenth century, when traffic from the California Gold Rush (1848- 1855) across Nicaragua's short inter-oceanic route brought a sudden influx of US capital and culture.3 Later in the 1850s, Tennessee filibuster William Walker took advantage of civil war in Nicaragua to seize power and become-in one of the stranger moments in US history-president of Nicaragua until he was expelled by a Central American coalition. By the early twentieth century, a painful contradiction lay at the heart of Nicaraguan culture: Michele Gobat persuasively argues that while Nicaragua sought to imitate the prosperity and power of the US, many Nicaraguans fiercely resented the United States' frequent military, cultural, and financial interventions into their national affairs.4 And in fact, Jose Coronel himself evinced a conflicted attitude, writing: My personal attitude towards the United States was for many years ambivalent: found myself attracted, would almost say fascinated, and at the same time repelled by them.5But if US involvement in Nicaragua repelled Coronel, US literature had attracted him from a very early age. Having as a child first encountered in Spanish translation and then in Whitman's native tongue, Coronel once claimed, I can almost say that learned to read English reading Poe and Whitman (Rapido 51).6 From 1924 to 1927, while many of his peers went to Europe, the young Coronel chose to live and study in San Francisco, California, where he immersed himself in US literature. When he returned, however, he founded an avant-garde movement that vocally denounced the continued US intervention in Nicaragua, and called for the creation of an authentic, autochthonous Nicaraguan literature and culture. Yet despite this agenda, Coronel's Vanguardia, as it came to be called, remained strongly (and paradoxically) permeated by US literary culture, for Coronel had begun what would be a lifetime of serious engagement with US writers, with Walt occupying a prominent place.Indeed, among Latin American avant-garde writers, Jose Coronel stands out for his depth of reading in Whitman's work. As a poet and a translator, Coronel knew Leaves of Grass, and anthologized poems from it in three different collections.7 Yet few scholars have studied this long trans-continental literary relationship.8 So what did Coronel find compelling in Whitman's work? At stake here is not only an accurate vision of hemispheric literary history, but also an understanding of the real overlap between aesthetics and politics in twentieth-century US-Nicaraguan relations, because the texts of Coronel's group, and the politics of its members, would seriously impact the course of Nicaraguan literature and history. A reading of Coronel's later writings on Whitman, alongside the texts of his Vanguardia, reveals Whitman's presence, as the Nicaraguan avant-garde forged a nationalist, autochthonous literature that sought at the same time to be aesthetically new. …