All-India Muslim League Research Articles

مولانا عبدالحامد بدایونی کی دینی و ملی خدمات کی عصری افادیت کا تحقیقی مطالعہ

Maulānā Abdul Ḥāmid Badāyunī (1901-1970) was an eminent scholar, orator and politician. He enthusiastically participated and supported the Khilāfat Movement, and courageously opposed the Shuddhi movement. Moreover, he was unanimously selected as a member of the Majlis-e-Moied-Islām and Muslim Conference. He continuously and unceasingly tutelaged the Muslims of Hind from the platform of the All India Sunnī Conference (1925-1947). He set a record of ceaseless and untiring struggle with his involvement in the All-India Muslim League (1937-1945). Notably, he played an important role in conducting a successful referendum in N.W.F.P province; therefore, he is also remembered as a liberator of N.W.F.P (Fateh Sarhad). He is considered a close companion of Quaid-e-Azam Muḥammad Alī Jinnāḥ. After the independence of Pākistān, he became the president of Jamiat Ulemā Pākistān. Furthermore, he stood by the armed forces of Pākistān during the 1965 war and participated in immigrant relief activities. His stance regarding the Palestine issue was explicit and categorical. His National contributions will always be remembered in the history of Pākistān.

Beyond good and evil: imagined nation in Hindi films

ABSTRACT The influence of Indian films on popular culture and the influence of dominant political ideology on Indian films are interspersed with dialectical variations. Although a binary representation of these subtleties remains elusive, while promoting ideological superstructures in society, ‘the relatively mixed, confused, incomplete, or inarticulate consciousness' is replaced with a ‘generalised system'. In practice, the tendencies governing public emotions during moments of crisis are employed as tropes in Bollywood films. However, the ontology of political underpinnings and subversive ideological possibilities that enmesh lived experiences remain smothered by an unproblematic representation of historical events. With this rationale, the paper analyses three Bollywood films Panipat (2019), Tanhaji (2020) and Samrat Prithviraj (2022). These films seem to auger the idea of Dharma and Ramrajya in the construction of a Nation catering to the populist notion of a safe and secure nation under just Hindu rule. The paper argues that these films cater to the framework of historiography promulgated by the colonial historians on one hand; and function as a contrapuntal response to the ideological moorings of the leaders of the All-India Muslim League. This objective is achieved by a stereotypical and binary projection of good and evil by glossing over the ‘mixed consciousness’.

Two-Nation Theory and division of the Indian Subcontinent: analysing the idealist and revisionist perspectives

Two-Nation Theory, long regarded as the linchpin of the partition of the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, has come under scrutiny by revisionist scholars who seek to challenge and question the prevailing idealism surrounding this historical division. Revisionist perspectives offer a critical analysis of the Two-Nation Theory by contesting its oversimplified portrayal of Muslims in the Subcontinent. These scholars assert that the theory, which framed the partition because of irreconcilable religious differences, neglects the intricate tapestry of cultural, linguistic, and regional identities among Muslims. Moreover, revisionists delve into the multifaceted causes of partition, asserting that it cannot be solely attributed to religious disparities. They emphasise the role of political manoeuvring, economic inequalities, power dynamics, and the shortcomings of leadership in shaping this historical event. Revisionist arguments also suggest that political leaders, such as Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the All-India Muslim League, may have strategically employed the Two-Nation Theory to secure advantages during negotiations with the British colonial administration. This challenges the prevailing notion that the demand for a separate Muslim state primarily reflects religious sentiment. This research attempts to contemplate the revisionist perspectives on the Two-Nation Theory, which ultimately led to the division of the Subcontinent.

Religio-Political Dynamism in the 20th Century Colonial India and Subsequent Muslim Response: A Case Study of the Punjab Province

Religio-Political Dymanism is a term that was coined in the 20th century political milieu especially in the perspective of famous Khilafat Movement in the backdrop of the World War I (1914-1919). The entire ‘Muslim India’ stood with their Turkish Brethren at that time of turmoil and upheaval in order to provide them helping hand against the ominous British Imperial designs to disintegrate centuries old Ottoman Empire. This movement that could later be called a mother of all other movements like Tehrik-i- Hijrat (Migration Movement) of 1919-1920, Tehrik-i-Tark-i-Mawalat of 1919-1920 (Non-cooperation Movement) and Tehrik-i-Nafarmani of 1929-1930 (Civil Disobedience Movement). It was for the first time in Indian History that Ulama (Muslim religious scholars as they were called by the community) and Masha’ikh (commonly called as pirs:spiritual guides) arrived into political arena and later this nexus or liaison was established on more profound and stable grounds. This early immature unison failed to prove its worth as the issue of Khilafat was extra-terestrial and was called as an ‘international problem’ by some seasoned politicians like Iqbal and Jinnah. They were of the view that changes and challenges on international scenario were under rapid changes and could not solely be controlled by Indian Muslims who were already in the bonds of slavery and the roots of International Imperialism were very deep which could not easily be deracinated. However; this religio political dymanism proved its effectivity during the decisive phase of freedom movement when the religio-political relationship between religious ranks and All India Muslim League used ‘religion’ as effective tool to attract and convince ‘Muslim India’ under the banner of two-nation theory. ‘Muslim Response’ as another effective term applied in Indian political milieu is actually the counter-strategy of Muslim political intelligentsia to mainly cope with the propaganda of Indian National Congress, the represenatative of Hindu Majority in the garb of so-called ‘nationalism’. Although a faction of Ulama supported the nationalist’s agenda of Congress. So they were called as ‘nationalist Ulama’ who opposed All India Muslim League demand for a separate homeland. Another faction of Muslims called Unionists were the landlords of Punjab, ‘the landed aristocracy’ who were previliged by the British Colonizers in order to subdue the Indian subjects of rural areas. During the War of Independence, this artificially created class appeased their colonial ‘benefactors’. These land artiatocrats like Sir Fazl-e-Hussain, Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Sir Chhotu Ram, etc established their own political party in 1923. They worked for their own vested interests and nothing to do with the common folk. They were so powerful in Punjab that Jinnah had to sign a pact with them to seek help for the Muslim unity, called Jinnah-Sikandar Pact in 1937, as AIML had badly failed in 1937 General Elections. In order to curb their power, it was quite advisable to adopt another strategy so ‘religio-political nexus’ of Ulama-League which was later transformed into ‘religio-political dymanism’ by the dint of political circumstances filled this gap. The research paper in hand explains the political process and circumstancial pressure that brought AIML and Ulama closer and also highlights the fact that a considerable faction of Ulama, the Ulama-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat worked voluntarily, unconditionally and were sincere with cause of Islam and Pakistan and this fact was proved after the partition of India that they did not demand any reward from the newly established administrative set up.

Role of Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum Khan in constitutional reforms in the North-West Frontier Province of the British India

This paper analyses the services of Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum Khan in granting constitutional reform to North-West Frontier. Quaid-i-Azam of Sarhad, Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum, after his retirement from government service in 1919, started a struggle for constitutional reforms to the North-West Frontier. The constitutional reforms introduced in British India since its inception in 1901 were not extended timely to North-West Frontier, due to which it remained a Chief Commissioner's Province till 1932. Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum pleaded the case on all fronts, including the Bray Committee, Indian Legislative Assembly, Delhi Proposals, annual sessions of All India Muslim League, Simon Commission, Haig Committee, and Round Table Conferences held in London. After a long struggle, North-West Frontier was levelled from a Commissioner Province to a Governor Province, and a Legislative Council was formed in 1932. After the elections, Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum was elected as the Minster of the Transferred Departments of N-W.F.P. After five years, according to the Act of 1935, the Legislative Assembly was formed, and he was elected as the first Chief Minister of N-W.F.P. in 1937. The article reviewed primary and secondary data available in the provincial archives, Peshawar, National Documentation Centre, Islamabad, British Library, London, and other libraries.

Pakistan, Pan-Islamism, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation

Pan-Islamism had resonated strongly with Muslim political leaders of the Indian sub-continent, including those inspired by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, credited with coining the term. These political leaders included prominent members of the All-India Muslim League, who were at the forefront of the Indian Muslims’ struggle for a separate homeland that led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947. It is therefore no surprise that Islam and pan-Islamism became key features of the new state of Pakistan; however, domestic and geopolitical realities demanded a different approach to addressing the country’s key national interests, i.e., security through economic development. This article analyzes Pakistan’s policy on the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to understand how far Islamabad has advanced its national interests through the OIC. Based on the interviews of elites and key opinionmakers in Islamabad, this paper argues that pan-Islamist ideals in Pakistan’s foreign policy were confronted by reality soon after Pakistan’s creation. The geopolitical realities of India have kept security concerns paramount and all-consuming. Consequently, pan-Islamism has been pragmatically used by Pakistan, especially within the OIC, for not just ideological reasons but also for material and diplomatic gains.

Economic Ideas of the Quaid-i-Azam

The present paper consists of four parts. First, it is argued why the Quaid-i- Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948), concentrated for the most part on political issues and political freedom, why he went in for Islam as the cultural metaphor in arguing the case for Pakistan, and why he opted for couching his marathon (1937-47) discourse in Islamic terms. Second, the legacy in terms of the primacy of economic factors in propelling a colonised people towards political emancipation Jinnah had received from the historic realm and his own background— in particular, the economic bias in his family background, in Bombay’s mercantile culture which was almost at the centre of the most formative influences in his early life, and in the pronouncements of, and proposals mooted by, Muslim leaders from Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) down to Iqbal (1877-1938) on the one hand, and by the Mohammedan Educational Conference (f.1836) to the All India Muslim League (1906-47), on the other. These proposals were essentially aimed at exhorting the intelligentsia to work for the social, economic and political uplift of the masses. Third, the stress on economic emancipation and the rise of Muslim economic nationalism in the 1940s, in the wake of the Lahore Resolution (1940), has been discussed and delineated briefly.

Economic Vision of the Quaid-i-Azam

I am grateful to the organisers for holding this seminar on an important, if somewhat less known, facet of the life-work of the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who transformed the All India Muslim League from a run-of-the-mill political party into a mass movement. His role as the founder of an independent sovereign Muslim state in South Asia has been widely acclaimed by historians and scholars. However, his political tour de force has rather overshadowed what he did for the economic emancipation of Muslims before and after Independence. The demand for Pakistan visualised not just freedom from colonial rule but, no less importantly, liberation from the socio-economic domination of the majority community in business, commerce, education and public services. Jinnah knew full well that the areas to be included in Pakistan were economically and industrially backward. They constituted the agricultural hinterland of the industrialised areas of British India. A survey of industrial locations during the year 1939-40, appended below, highlights the vast disparity in industrial development between the two areas:

The partition memory and the Pakistan nation-state project, 75 years on

ABSTRACT The partition of India began to take shape after years of contestation over nationalism, the rights of citizens, and minorities between the Indian National Congress, which claimed to represent all Indians and stood for a secular, democratic and united India, and the All-India Muslim League which claimed to represent all Muslims within the subcontinent. This article argues that Partition memory is selective, and that, like all memories, it is appropriated by post-colonial states to justify and legitimate their exclusive sovereign control over their populations and territories. In the case of Pakistan, the partition memory has also been important for Islamisation which began quite soon after the country’s formation and which has proceeded apace since.

Quaid-e- Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Fine Arts

Quaid-e- Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Founder of Pakistan was a great personality in the history of the world. He got a higher degree in Law and started his political career on the platform of Indian National Congress but soon understood that their policies are anti-Muslim. So he joined All India Muslim League. He was a great and honorable political leader who was acknowledged by the representatives of different political groups. Mr. Jinnah was an honest, confident and hardworking political figure. This article deals with Mr. Jinnah and fine arts.

Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and Politics of Non-violence: A Perspective of Passive Resilience, 1920-1930

This article examines the emergence of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) among rural middle and lower middle-class Sikhs with the objectives of reforms in gurdwaras management along with to preserve separate Sikh identity, stop Sikhs conversion and popular representation of Sikhs through non-violent means during 1920-1930. SAD avoided to merge into national level Non-Cooperation movement and remained successful to achieve its initial goals. This article, based on revealing the fresh sources drawn from the Punjab Archives Lahore and Lahore Museum Library argues that initially a pure religious reformist movement emerged with popular support continued the strategy of nonviolence even after the acceptance of major demands in the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925. SAD’s nonviolence strategy was also influenced by other Sikh organizations like Khalsa Diwan, Central Sikh League and external forces, like Indian National Congress (INC), All India Muslim League (AIML), the Unionist Party, Non-Cooperation movement and Khilafat movement at different scale. The British Indian government initially tried to handle the Sikh resistance through Sikh elites, gurdwara mahatns and colonial Punjab administration but SAD’s nonviolent response forced the government to mend their ways and finally introduced the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925.

THE HAYAT HYPOTHESIS: IMPERIAL CRISIS, MUSLIM MODERNISM, JINNAH’S CHARISMA, AND THE BIRTH OF PAKISTAN

ABSTRACT This essay is written as an overview of Sikandar Hayat's (1946-) longtime scholarship on the creation of Pakistan with Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) as the focal leader. It seeks to bring out the main argument and analyses of Hayat's books on the subject. The main thrust of the essay, consistent with an exposition of Hayat's works, is that the creation of Pakistan was a complex process and that both Jinnah's critics, who often deny him agency, and his uncritical admirers, who exaggerate it out of all proportion, seem to miss the larger historical context and lessons to be derived from Jinnah's life and times. Hayat employs an analytical approach that, among other things, articulates a framework for understanding charismatic leadership in non-Eurocentric environments, restores valid agency to Jinnah, and never loses sight of the context and larger historical forces he, and the All-India Muslim League, had to contend with. As Pakistan marks 75 years of its independent existence, debates and discourses about its creation continue, and Hayat's contributions to that discourse need to be examined and understood outside his own country

Історичний портрет: сер Сікандар Хаят Хан (1892–1942) (До 130-ї річниці від дня народження)

This paper is dedicated to one of the prominent leaders and state-men of British India – Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan (1892–1952), who’s name, unfortunately, is now almost forgotten. Meanwhile, in the history of Indian subcontinent before Partition 1947 he played an extremely important role. Ironically, he also made a huge impact on creating Pakistan – the independent state of Indian Muslims, while, in fact, he never planned it. The main purpose of the paper is to evaluate his dedication to the Motherland and his struggle for independence. S. H. Khan got a special gratitude from the people of Punjab for his tremendous efforts to ensure the progress of the province and to avoid any kind of communal outrage. Still, he became one of the authors of Lahore Declaration – the Program document issued by All-India Muslim League in March 23, 1940, focused on the creation of the separate state for Muslims of Indian subcontinent. Until now, there is a kind of conspiracy – why he has changed his position and allowed Muslim League to make a plan for Partition of India. The author tries to understand his motives.

The coexistence of religion and politics in Pakistan: an analysis of historical, social, and political factors

In the context of Pakistan, the connection between religion and politics predates its existence. Islam was the faith on which All India Muslim League based its demand for a separate country for India's Muslims. Since independence in 1947, the country's political and constitutional evolution has been significantly influenced by the religion; as political, economic, social, and constitutional debates centred on Islam. Islam has always been a major theme of official ideology in one form or another in practically all political administrations, whether they were under democratic or military authority. In this paper, we have discussed the elements that contributed to the emergence of Islamist political power in the country, using pertinent instances from historical events and political decisions made by successive governments and regimes to illustrate how politics and religion interact. For this purpose, we used secondary technique of data collection i.e., ‘Document Analysis’ and relied on primary sources such as the Constitutions of Pakistan and secondary sources e.g., books and research articles, etc. The study is an extensive review of the existing literature on the subject. The study’s findings show that the state, over the decades, has used the instrument of religion at different times for different purposes.

Feudalism, Factionalism and the Muslim Politics in Punjab during 1937 Elections

Indian Punjab was a Muslim majority province with a feudal dominant political base. The Unionist party was organized by Sir Fazl-i-Husain to incorporate the powerful elite into a single party without communal distinction. The party had the majority of the Muslim landed elite with consistent egoistic rivalries over personal clashes. The other contenders were Indian National Congress, All India Muslim League, Ahrars and Ittehad-i-Millat with communal slogans. The paper aims to analyze the pre-election issue of succession between Fazl and Sikander Hayat Khan, along with the advantages and disadvantages for the Unionists and other stakeholders before elections, with a focus on Muslim politics. Why and how the Unionists were able to retain political dominance and how communal parties failed to form any formidable alliance against them are examined to understand the inherent weaknesses and strengths of all groups.

Socio-Political Role of Sardar Abdul Hameed Khan Dasti: A Muslim Leader & President of All India Muslim League District Muzafargarh Pakistan Moement and after ward 1945-1958 (A Historical Analisis)

Muzaffargarh District is geographically located between the two rivers Indus and Chenab. Unfortunately, the history of the district is almost silent before the freedom movement of Pakistan. However, the district produced many important personalities and they had played an important role in the freedom movement of Pakistan as Sardar Abdul Hameed Khan Dasti was one of them. Sardar Abdul Hameed Khan Dasti was known as the voice of the district Muzaffargarh during the freedom movement of Pakistan. He worked for the social uplift of the people in Muzaffargarh. Among his various social services, the formation Anjman-e-Islamia Muzaffargarh in 1920 was most remarkable achievement which was an important charity organization of Muzaffargarh. With social services he was also an important political leader and representative of Muzaffargarh District. He was appointed the president of the All India Muslim League of the District Muzaffargarh in 1944.After the emergence of Pakistan he also worked for the prosperity of the people in Muzaffargarh District. This paper will explore the socio-political contribution of Sardar Abdul Hameed Khan in Muzaffargarh District.

KASHMIR POLITICAL LANDSCAPE AND CHANGE IN PAKISTAN’S POLICY

Kashmir was a princely state, outside the orbit of the united India two major political parties; All India Muslim League and All India National Congress. The level of political mobilisation was considerably lower than in the India’s mainland. However this political isolation was eventually broken by a youth group, the Young Men’s Muslim Association, spearheaded by a school teacher and charismatic leader Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, graduated from the celebrated institution, the Aligarh Muslim University, created All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference (MC) in October 1932. It major objective was to liberate Jammu and Kashmir from the tyranny of the Maharaja Hari Sing. Later on, the politics of united India extended to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. National Conference with its socialist leaning was inclined toward the Indian National Congress due to its ideological affinity and personal relationship (Sheikh Abdullah and Nehru were friends). Whereas

12-Educational Contribution of District Educational Conference Dera Ghazi Khan 1914-1947 and its Socio-Political impact on Muslims (A Historical Analysis)

This paper is an attempt to highlight the educational efforts Muslim’s education in Dera Ghazi Khan District. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan established All India Muslim Educational Conference in 1886 and its Headquarter was Alipur. As a central organization several of its branches were also formed in different regions of India by the local leadership of Muslims. Dera Ghazi Khan was an important district of Punjab due to its important geo-strategic position. District Educational Conference organization was formed in 1914 and All India Muslim educational conference owned it as its branch. This district organization played a vital role in education of the district. This paper explores the historical background of the district and educational condition of the district. Although educational conference was completely committed to the educational issues and it was irrelevant to the political issues of the Muslims of India initially as per its constitution. But later on it left a lasting impact on the political activities of the Muslims as it changed the Political thinking of the Muslims of south Asia. Its various debates a lasting impact on the on educational & cultural matters are the best testimony to prove this hypothesis. Most of the cultural as well educational issues were interconnected with political issues therefore, real segregation became impossible. The overall analysis of the speeches delivered on the conference's forum by the eminent Muslims and the resolution passed after the meetings gave political inspirations and impetus to the Muslims in general. The annual meeting, its arrangements in various cities and the public enthusiasm inspired the Muslim at large. The conference resolutions stimulated the spirit of unity and promoted two nation's theory. On December 31, 1906, All India Muslim League emerged after the end of the Conference session at Dacca. Those who attended Conference' meetings were the same members present in the League's meeting. The study explores the major issues debated at the conference's forum and the resolutions passed in the light of the primary sources. This paper highlights the formation, objectives and achievements of this District Educational Conference

THE PAKISTAN MOVEMENT AND FEDERALISM

The careful reading of the history of Pakistan movement tells us the movement rose in response to the fear of the imposition of majoritarian- unitary democracy model in British India following the West Minister model. After 1857 war of independence, Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan had advised Muslims not to take part in politics and focus their energies on acquiring modern education and hence securing their due share in bureaucratic positions under the British rule. But when Congress was formed in 1885 and gradually democratic reforms were introduced, the fear of majoritarian-unitary model started creeping in among the Muslim elite. The leaders of Muslim League felt if the Westminster style majoritarian- unitary democracy model is introduced in British India that will ultimately bring over the centralized Congress rule in British India which they equated as the Hindu raj. The debate around the federal question remained on top of the agenda in British India since the announcement of the Nehru report in 1928. The failure of the Congress in addressing Muslim concerns regarding majoritarian- unitary democracy model ultimately led to the partition of India in 1947. In this paper the debate around the federal question and the demands for consociational democracy in Pakistan movement would be studied in detail and it will be analysed how far the failure of addressing the federal question was responsible for the partition of India. Keywords: Majoritarian Democracy, Indo-Pak History, Consociationalism, All India Muslim League, Muslim Separatism

Jinnah’s Pakistan, Hodson and the Letter to Nawab Ismail

Muhammad Ali Jinnah called for the division of India on 22ndMarch 1940 in his presidential address to the annual session of the All-India Muslim League held at Lahore. Immediately, the League were beset with not only opposition from all flanks but also the allegation that Jinnah's idea of Pakistan was ill-defined and merely a counter for bargaining. Even after Pakistan's independence in 1947, this theory was furthered to the extent of being elevated to orthodoxy. This paper examines Jinnah's private correspondence dealing with the nature of Pakistan, in particular Jinnah's 1941 letter to the League leader Nawab Ismail that refers to findings of the Reforms Commissioner H.V. Hodson regarding Pakistan, and is often cited as evidence of Jinnah’s ‘real aims’. In parallel, Jinnah and prominent League leaders’ dealings with the British are analyzed in order to reconcile their disparate stances.