Scaling up antenatal multiple micronutrient supplementation in Africa: A unified call for action.

Structural insecurity is a central though overlooked force shaping contemporary displacement. Beyond conflict and climate change, displacement emerges from intersecting regimes of governance, including European Union border securitization, North African state collaborations, and racialized migration controls in North America and Western Europe. While these regimes differ in scope, they converge in producing precarity through selective hospitality and exclusion. This article, informed by abolitionist and decolonial thought, examines how displacement is legitimized as social regulation through restrictive asylum laws, securitized media narratives, and public discourses that naturalize insecurity. Responsibility lies not with a single actor but across states, supranational institutions, and financial bodies enforcing austerity. We argue that ethical responses require dismantling the infrastructures of displaceability by reallocating resources away from border militarization, supporting regional mobility accords grounded in equity, and pursuing reparative justice for communities most affected. Such measures move research and governance beyond crisis management toward collective futures of dignity, belonging, and liberation.

Since 2024, two new African states, Ethiopia and Egypt, have become full BRICS members, marking the advent of a new phase in the evolution of the association’s African dimension. The expansion of the African continent within the club demonstrates BRICS’ dedication to the South-South dialogue and the growing importance of Africa and also reflects broader shifts in the global power dynamics. However, it also underscores a transition towards a polycentric world order in which the African continent is assuming an autonomous role in global affairs. At the same time, there is a disproportionate representation of the continent in BRICS, as none of the states of Western and Central Africa has so far been a full member of the association. This article examines the process of transformation of the BRICS African track, from its initial BRICS Plus and BRICS Outreach formats to the partial representation of the continent at the sub-regional level by the recently-appointed permanent and partner members of the association. It has been suggested, however, that the informalized nature of the association, which has long been attractive due to the special dialogue format of the BRICS, will not be able to meet the growing demand for the inclusion of new actors. The more states that join the grouping, the greater the procedural and organisational clutter that awaits it. The African continent is home to 54 UN member states, the accession of each of which is unthinkable. The latest wave of expansion in 2025 with the introduction of a new category of “partner country”, despite the inclusion of Nigeria and Uganda, still does not make Africa equally represented in BRICS. In this regard, it remains relevant to study the prospects for the development of the African vector of BRICS and the search for new non-state formats of cooperation. The article discusses the problem of the continent’s further integration into BRICS, in particular the extent to which potential expansion could challenge the established dialogical format and lack of institutional overload that have been responsible for BRICS’ success. The authors analyse the prospect of inviting the African Union (AU) as a continent-wide representative to address the above issue. Based on the analysis of the key documents of the AU and BRICS, the authors examine the proximity of the two organisations both politically and ideologically (compliance with the so-called “spirit of BRICS”) and practically (coincidence of agendas and projects). The paper analyses the internal architecture of the AU and the BRICS to identify possible obstacles and difficulties on the way to the integration of the two organisations.

This article examines the African Union’s (AU) strategies for strengthening the sovereignty of African states—a core driver of the region’s political development—within the framework of its cross‑border policy. The study centers on the potential of African state sovereignty and how it evolves under AU initiatives, with a focus on the AU’s regional policy of integrated border management. The aim is to evaluate how the AU’s integrated border management policy shapes the sovereign development of African states. The analysis draws on theoretical approaches to political borders as tools for sovereign state development. Since decolonization, state border policies have reflected political maturity and ideological orientation—spanning neoliberal, Marxist, and рostmodern traditions. The meaning of political borders in Africa is tied not only to the capacities of sovereign states but also to the interplay between pan‑Africanism and state nationalism. A key insight of the research is the significance of cross‑border management challenges. The concept of transborderness poses critical questions about the relationship between state sovereignty and regionalism in intra‑African relations. Against the backdrop of Africa’s growing agency and the “African solutions to African problems” principle, states across the continent grapple with defining their political identity while working to foster inclusive political practices. AU initiatives to regulate borders and address postcolonial legacies affecting sovereignty serve as a crucial mechanism for building an integrated political space in Africa.

ABSTRACT Certain attributes of large‐scale complex systems are often expressed through sets of indicators. For example, the sustainability of an entity, be it a nation, a city, an energy system, a corporation etc., can be effectively represented by indicators and corresponding data series. For such representations to be practical, aggregation methods should be devised that lead to concrete performance measures hierarchically. In this work a mathematical aggregation theory is presented for indicators regarding the behavior of complex systems. A set of relevant postulates leads to a simple model based on shifted geometric means combining values of basic indicators into an overall index. The model is augmented with a sensitivity analysis which pinpoints those indicators with the highest potential for improving performance, thus, providing decision‐makers with an important tool to compare alternative policies. An application is shown in detail regarding the sustainability of 161 countries and data up to 2024. We rank countries according to their sustainability standing and pinpoint those Sustainable Development Goals that are crucial in enhancing sustainability. European countries, Australia and Uruguay take the top 20 places, while most of the bottom places are taken by African states. Our analysis occasionally reveals surprising low rankings of some highly developed countries due to poor environmental performance. Plastics consumption, deforestation, renewable energy generation, and water stress are among the most frequent influential indicators for developed states. Low gross national income, corruption, plastics consumption, and deforestation are quite prevalent in developing and low‐income countries.

ABSTRACT This study investigates how youth disillusionment across West Africa intensifies the legitimacy crisis confronting the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It employed qualitative interviews with young people and experts from six West African nations, along with analyses of regional policies. The findings reveal a notable gap between ECOWAS and the aspirations of West African youth, especially amid rising security and economic crises, democratic setbacks, and shifting regional power dynamics, including the return of military rule and the rise of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Although some youth policies and programmes are in place, young citizens perceive ECOWAS as distant and unresponsive to their political and socio-economic concerns. The study recommends that ECOWAS redesign its youth engagement strategy by recognising the diversity of West African youth and actively incorporating their voices into its governance processes.

Health financing and systems in African small and island states: Unique challenges and opportunities in achieving universal health coverage

The foreign policy of non-alignment adopted by African states during the Russia–Ukraine war has been interpreted as both a mechanism to safeguard national interests and a diplomatic strategy in a multipolar world. However, there is a gap in the literature regarding how African states, particularly Nigeria, operationalize non-alignment amid contemporary geopolitical shocks and institutional constraints. This study addresses this gap by examining Nigeria’s non-aligned stance amid the conflict, focusing on its historical legacy, economic vulnerabilities, and diplomatic hedging strategies. It investigates how Nigeria balances engagement with Russia and Western powers while maintaining strategic autonomy and analyzes Nigeria’s selective voting at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and its implications for Africa’s role in global governance. Employing an exploratory qualitative research design, the study utilized secondary data from high-ranking peer-reviewed journals, official reports, and statistical sources, analyzed thematically to identify patterns in foreign policy decision-making and strategic hedging. Power Transition Theory guided the analysis, providing a framework for understanding Nigeria’s positioning within shifting global power hierarchies. Findings indicate that Nigeria’s non-aligned approach offers both opportunities and protection, enabling pragmatic engagement with global powers while minimizing coercion risks. Nonetheless, economic dependency and security vulnerabilities persist, highlighting the need for institutional safeguards and strategic frameworks. The study concludes that Nigeria’s calibrated non-alignment functions as a deliberate hedging strategy that preserves autonomy, enhances resilience, and informs contemporary African foreign policy. It contributes to knowledge by providing insights into history, international studies, political science, and security studies, and suggests that future research could conduct comparative analyses of African states’ non-alignment strategies.

This paper is a research on democratic backsliding in West Africa, in which the author examines how Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has responded to the recent military coups in Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso and Niger. Using the methodological approach of qualitative case study, the study finds the problems of governance failures, socio-economic challenges, and institutional fragility to be the main factors that cause the decline of democracy. The approaches employed by ECOWAS, which include diplomacy, sanctions, and in few cases, military intervention have produced mixed results, with partial success in The Gambia and a history of inability to stop the violence in other cases. The discussion highlights the weaknesses in the operations of ECOWAS such as weak enforcement capacity, internal divisions and political will among member states. It is suggested to strengthen institutional frameworks, improve early warning systems, increase regional cohesion, and intensify civic participation. The paper also highlights the inseparability of international relations in boosting the democratic efforts of ECOWAS. This study advances a better comprehension of the role of regionalism and democracy in West Africa and provides policy implications to decision-makers and stakeholders, who strive to promote and maintain democracy in the region.

This article examines Chinua Achebe’s A Man of the People (1966) as a critical allegory of the postcolonial African state, foregrounding its entanglement with neo-colonial structures of domination. Drawing on the theoretical insights of Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, and Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, the study situates Achebe’s narrative within broader debates on political corruption, cultural imperialism, and the persistence of dependency after independence. The analysis highlights how Achebe portrays the post-independence ruling elite—exemplified by Chief Nanga—as a national bourgeoisie that reproduces colonial modes of exploitation under the guise of nationalism. By tracing the manipulation of state institutions, the press, and the police, the article shows that governance operates less as a vehicle of emancipation than as an instrument of elite enrichment and foreign entanglement. Particular attention is also given to cultural continuities—in language, education, and practices of mimicry—that perpetuate neo-colonial subjugation at epistemological and everyday levels. Achebe’s satire depicts how the celebrated promise of independence, initially hailed as a moment of collective optimism, gave way to disillusionment as corruption and external dependency prevailed. Ultimately, the article argues that A Man of the People not only exposes the shortcomings of nationalist leadership but also illuminates the enduring dynamics of neo-colonialism in African political and cultural life.

Abstract This research examines Africa’s evolving role in the Global South’s development trajectory, focusing on its multifaceted cooperation with China as a transformative force in the global development architecture. The study is driven by the need to understand how Africa, once marginalized in global governance, is asserting agency through strategic partnerships (particularly with China) across infrastructure, trade, industrialization, health, education, and diplomacy. The objectives are to analyze the historical roots, current dynamics, and developmental impacts of Africa–China relations while assessing the extent to which these engagements align with Africa’s own priorities, as articulated in Agenda 2063 and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Key findings reveal that, despite persistent concerns around debt sustainability, environmental governance, labor practices, and political influence, Africa has increasingly leveraged Chinese cooperation to close infrastructure gaps, promote industrialization, and diversify global alliances. Importantly, African states and institutions have demonstrated growing negotiation power and strategic vision, positioning themselves not as passive recipients but as co-creators of alternative development pathways. The study recommends strengthening institutional capacity, ensuring transparency and local ownership in partnerships, and fostering continental coordination. If guided by African priorities, Africa–China cooperation can help redefine South–South relations and support a multipolar, inclusive global development order.

Abstract Introduction: Over the past decade, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region has made significant progress in establishing National Public Health Institutes (NPHIs), increasing from five of 15 countries in 2015 to 11 of 15 countries in 2024. NPHIs play a vital role in strengthening essential public health functions (EPHFs), such as surveillance, laboratory systems, workforce development, and emergency preparedness. This study assessed institutional maturity, core public health capacities, and regional health security trends using the International Association of National Public Health Institutes (IANPHI) Staged Development Tool (SDT) and complementary States Parties Self-Assessment Annual Reporting (SPAR) data. Methods: We conducted a multi-source institutional assessment using the IANPHI SDT covering 2015–2024. Data were collected from 11 ECOWAS NPHIs between 2022 and 2024 using a standardized SDT template containing seven domains and 34 indicators. Verification was conducted through a regional workshop attended by 11 NPHI Directors, representatives from emerging NPHIs, West African Health Organization (WAHO), Africa CDC, US CDC, and IANPHI. SPAR data (2021–2023) were used to contextualize regional health security capacities. Ethical approval was not required as no personal data were collected. Results: The number of established NPHIs in ECOWAS increased from five (33%) in 2022 to 11 (73%) in 2024. Based on SDT assessments, four NPHIs achieved advanced maturity, while seven were in the developing stage; none achieved “Leading Edge,” aligning with the corrected scoring framework. Domain scores showed the highest performance in governance/leadership and legal frameworks, while significant gaps persisted in financing, laboratory systems, and workforce capacity. SPAR scores increased modestly across the region from 48% (2021) to 51% (2023), reflecting incremental improvements in IHR core capacities but with wide country-level variability. Progress remained uneven due to differences in NPHI establishment timelines, legal mandates, and domestic financing levels. Conclusion: NPHI establishment in ECOWAS has expanded substantially over the last decade, yet significant disparities remain in institutional maturity and health security capacities. Strengthening laboratory systems, sustainable financing, and public health workforce development are regional priorities. Targeted investments, stronger political commitment, and structured peer learning mechanisms are essential to accelerate progress.

This article offers a critical investigation of the peace agreement signed on June 27, 2025, between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda under United States mediation, analyzing it not as a breakthrough in reconciliation but as a case of strategically engineered peace. Despite being hailed as a diplomatic success, developments between June and September 2025—during which the UN reported 1,087 deaths in the conflict zone—reveal the persistence of violence and cast doubt on the durability of this externally imposed settlement. Drawing on structural realism, smart power theory, coercive diplomacy, and postcolonial political economy, the study argues that the United States did not act as a neutral mediator but as a geopolitical entrepreneur seeking to secure mineral supply chains and counter Chinese influence. The mediation succeeded not through mutual confidence-building but through a calibrated combination of diplomatic pressure, economic inducements, and implicit security guarantees. Its effectiveness relied on a moment of strategic convergence: Rwanda’s growing international isolation and the Congolese government’s domestic vulnerability. The article demonstrates that the agreement’s apparent success is rooted in power asymmetry, strategic dependency, and conditional compliance rather than genuine reconciliation. It highlights the tension between imposed peace—designed to stabilize extractive corridors—and sustainable peace, which requires local legitimacy and structural transformation. By exposing the agreement as a case of humanitarian imperialism disguised as conflict resolution, the article questions the legitimacy of Western-led peacebuilding models in postcolonial contexts. Finally, it proposes policy recommendations urging international mediators to move beyond coercive stabilization toward equitable partnership frameworks, while calling on African states to develop autonomous mediation architectures capable of resisting neocolonial forms of diplomatic tutelage.

Abstract The article examines how communities in the tri-border region of Burkina Faso, Niger, and Benin manage security and cooperation after the weakening of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the rise of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Using interviews, observations, and social network analysis, the study reveals that, in the absence of strong state or regional authority, local actors—such as chiefs, market women, religious leaders, and youth groups—develop their hybrid systems for resolving disputes, ensuring security, and managing cross-border trade. While these informal and locally rooted arrangements often fill gaps left by formal institutions and can be effective and innovative, they also have serious limitations. They may exclude outsiders, reinforce old hierarchies, and sometimes escalate tensions or insecurity. Digital tools like WhatsApp are increasingly important, but access is unequal. The article argues that real regional integration and security depend on recognizing and supporting these local practices, while also addressing their shortcomings and not just relying on top-down solutions from organizations like ECOWAS. The experience of these borderlands challenges traditional ideas about borders and governance, showing that both resilience and vulnerability coexist in complex ways.

The Wagner Group, a Russian state-linked private military company (PMC), exemplifies the growing use of quasi-state armed actors in contemporary conflicts. Operating across multiple theatres, including Ukraine, Syria, and several African states, Wagner blurs the boundaries between state and non-state actors, raising profound legal and political questions. This article examines the group’s status and activities through the lens of international humanitarian law (IHL), focusing on combatant classification, state responsibility, and accountability for violations of the laws of armed conflict. Drawing on treaty provisions, customary norms, and relevant jurisprudence, it argues that the Wagner Group’s close operational and financial ties to the Russian Federation create a hybrid legal profile that challenges traditional frameworks of attribution and liability. The analysis highlights the urgent need to clarify the application of IHL to private military entities operating under state direction and offers recommendations to strengthen oversight and enforcement mechanisms.

This paper critically assesses the intersection of Agenda 2063 and the human right to water, exploring the legal frameworks and practical pathways to achieving sustainable water access across Africa. The purpose is to examine how the African Union’s Agenda 2063, which envisions inclusive development and human rights protection, aligns with the legal recognition and implementation of water as a fundamental right. Employing a doctrinal research methodology, the paper reviews relevant international, regional, and national legal instruments, alongside case studies from African countries, to evaluate existing challenges and opportunities in realizing the right to water. The findings reveal significant gaps in legal enforcement, institutional capacity, and socio-economic equity, which hinder the fulfillment of water rights despite broad legal recognition. The study discusses successful models of community-driven water management and technological innovations that have improved water access in countries like Uganda, Ghana, and South Africa. Recommendations include constitutionalising the right to water across African states, strengthening institutional frameworks, promoting regional cooperation, and enhancing community participation in water governance. Conclusively, aligning water governance with Agenda 2063’s objectives can transform water access from a theoretical right into a lived reality, contributing to sustainable development, health equity, and poverty reduction. This research contributes to scholarship by providing a legal and policy-oriented framework for integrating human rights into Africa’s development agenda, highlighting the right to water as essential to achieving the continent’s long-term aspirations.

The integration of responsible Artificial Intelligence (AI) in higher education has emerged as a transformative yet complex process, particularly in the Global South. This study investigates the challenges and opportunities associated with responsible AI adoption in management education within selected Southern African state universities. Despite growing interest in AI-enhanced learning, these institutions face structural and institutional barriers that hinder ethical and effective integration. Guided by Institutional Theory, this research employs a qualitative multiple case study design to derive insights from 30 purposively selected participants, including academic staff, policymakers, and ICT administrators, across various public universities in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Data were collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions and analysed using thematic analysis. Findings reveal four major challenges: infrastructural deficits, low digital literacy, institutional resistance, and the absence of AI-specific education policies. Nonetheless, participants identified promising opportunities in curriculum innovation, faculty development, and regional collaboration. The study extends Institutional Theory by demonstrating how organisational norms and cultural inertia influence AI adoption in under-resourced educational contexts. Practically, it offers policy-level and institutional recommendations for ethical AI deployment, including the need for national frameworks, digital infrastructure investment, and structured AI training programmes. This research contributes to the growing discourse on ethical AI in African education by highlighting both systemic constraints and pathways for transformative change in management education.

The study examines refugees’ experiences in South Africa to understand how they perceive the country’s hospitality and the Ubuntu (“I am because you are”) principle that underpins its asylum framework. The study is relevant in light of refugee demonstrations demanding UNHCR resettlement to other countries. Grounded in the Critical Refugee Studies Collective, it employs a literature-based meta-analysis to explore how refugees interpret and respond to South Africa’s asylum environment. The findings show that while many refugees initially view South Africa as a place of safety, humanitarian practices that position them as dependent and passive recipients of aid can erode their sense of dignity and belonging. This tension has led some refugees to protest for recognition, improved living conditions, and respect for their rights. The paper argues that refugees’ perceptions of the South African state are shaped by their livability, meaning the quality and security of their lives within the host country. Those who experience relative stability express a stronger sense of acceptance, whereas those facing exclusion, poverty, or xenophobic violence often express dissatisfaction. The study concludes that improving structural conditions and promoting a rights-based rather than charity-based approach would enhance a more dignified environment for refugees in South Africa.

The study assessed the impact of higher education on law enforcement in South Africa and other selected African states, focusing on policing effectiveness, public safety, and professional development. The study used a quantitative research approach utilising a structured questionnaire administered to 646 respondents enrolled in various policing and security programmes. The sample population was drawn from safety, security, and law enforcement sectors across South Africa, Namibia and Eswatini. The data was analysed using descriptive statistics, frequency analysis, and index scoring. Findings reveal that officers pursue higher education primarily to improve performance, enhance critical thinking, and support career advancement within and beyond law enforcement. Higher education has a positive impact on officers, equipping them with analytical and communication skills, which fosters evidence-based problem-solving and ethical leadership, ultimately benefiting public safety and security. However, the study also highlights to a smaller extent potential drawbacks, such as creating divisions between degree-holding and non-degree-holding officers, and the risk of overemphasising analytical roles at the expense of frontline practice. Therefore, the study recommended that higher education should be made accessible to most police officers and law enforcement personnel. In addition, policies should be put forth to enhance team cohesion and mutual trust, which are critical to the effective policing of field needs, incorporating both theoretical knowledge and practical competencies.

This paper examines the scramble and partition of West African territories by European superpowers during the final two decades of the 19th century—a period that marked a turning point in the political and historical trajectory of the region. Drawing on secondary sources, the study analyzes the geopolitical rivalries and diplomatic tensions among major European powers, particularly Britain and France, in their quest to assert territorial control. It highlights key episodes, such as the Anglo-French conflict over South Africa, the disputes surrounding Egypt and the Gold Coast (present-day Ghana), and the broader imperial competition that fueled colonial expansion. The paper explores the underlying causes of the scramble, including economic interests, strategic rivalries, and national prestige, as well as the outcomes and consequences of the partition. Particular attention is given to the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885, which formalized European claims and codified rules for territorial acquisition, and to African resistance movements that challenged colonial imposition. The study concludes that the scramble and partition had profound and lasting effects on the political boundaries, governance structures, and socio-economic development of West African states. It recommends the promotion of civic education, political reforms, and pan-African engagement as pathways to restoring and safeguarding the continent’s autonomy and development, with specific reference to the Nigerian context.