Canadian Affairs Research Articles

Federation and the History of the Administration of Indigenous Affairs in Canada, the United States, and Australia: New Insights through a Transnational Approach

The importance of decisions regarding the allocation of jurisdiction over Indigenous affairs in federal states can only be understood well when studied transnationally and comparatively. Historians of Canada appear never to have considered the significance of the fact that the British North America Act (1867) gave the Canadian federal government exclusive jurisdiction over Indian affairs, even though that stipulation is unique among the constitutional documents of comparable federal states (the United States and Australia). This article explains that the constitutional provisions in Canada, the United States, and Australia are a product of the previous history of indigenous-state relations in each location, but also profoundly affected subsequent developments in each of those countries. Despite stark differences, the similar and parallel developments also hint at trends that influenced all three countries.

Judging the Judiciary as Federalism’s Umpire - Conflicting Visions of Canadian Federalism and the Ideal Role of the Judiciary Surrounding Bennett’s New Deal

When an attempt to shift the responsibility for unemployment insurance from the provinces to the federal government in response to the Great Depression was halted in 1937 after having been deemed unconstitutional by the judicial committee of the Privy Council, it provoked angry responses from contemporary legal scholars. Some questioned the wisdom of British Judges making rulings of social importance over Canadian affairs. However, newer analysis of the Court's decision, as well as a breakdown of some of the criticisms of the past shows that many of the arguments levied against the JCPC were misguided and that the JCPC, like the modern Supreme Court that replaced it, effectively played the role of an umpire in setting disputes between the two levels of government in a democratic fashion, as well as in a manner that conforms to Canada’s multinational character.

Power Imbalances, Food Insecurity, and Children's Rights in Canada.

Increasingly, food is provided through an industrial food system that separates people from the source of their food and results in high rates of food insecurity, particularly for the most vulnerable in society. A lack of food is a symptom of a lack of power in a system that privileges free market principles over social justice and the protection of human rights. In Canada, the high rates of food insecurity among Canadian children is a reflection of their lack of power and the disregard of their human rights, despite the adoption of the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991 and ratification of the International Covenant on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights in 1976, which established the right to food for all Canadians. Dueling tensions between human rights and market forces underpin this unacceptable state of affairs in Canada. Gaventa’s “power cube” that describes different facets of power – including spaces, levels, and forms – is used to help understand the power imbalances that underlie this injustice. The analysis considers the impact of neoliberal free market principles on the realization of human rights, and the negative impacts this can have on health and well-being for the most vulnerable in society. Canadian case studies from both community organizations provide examples of how power can be shifted to achieve more inclusive, rights-based policy and action. Given increased global pressures toward more open trade markets and national austerity measures that hollow out social supports, Canada provides a cautionary tale for countries in the EU and the US, and for overall approaches to protect the most vulnerable in society.

Federalism and Foreign Affairs in Canada and the European Union: The Search for Equal Autonomy

Federalism and Foreign Affairs in Canada and the European Union: The Search for Equal Autonomy

Student Affairs in Canada in 2013 Perceptions, Trends, and an Outlook toward the Future

Chief Student Affairs Officers (CSAOs) are senior-level student affairs personnel. In 2011, 33 CSAOs responded to a national survey and provided a professional perspective on field development, student services, as well as predicted five-year trends for student affairs. In 2013, 17 CSAOs responded to the same survey and provided further information on these topics. Results indicated that attitudes towards diversity and technology remained stable between 2011 and 2013. We established that CSAOs have less positive attitudes towards research, evaluation, and assessment than they do towards communication and leadership. Here, we discuss at length the implications of these finding, as well as the potential for research into student affairs. In addition, we examine the continued professionalization of the CSAO field and note that research into CSAOs should be proactive instead of reactive.

Le silence des femmes par Thérèse Lamartine

guerre civile et la ruine, malgré toutes les richesses en gaz, en pétrole et en ressources naturelles et humaines dont le pays dispose. Rappelant par moment Rachid Mimouni et Boualem Sansal, Khadra a fait avec une écriture superbe la radioscopie du cancer qui empoisonne l’Algérie. Université du Wisconsin, Stevens Point Alek Baylee Toumi Lamartine, Thérèse. Le silence des femmes. Québec: Triptyque, 2014. ISBN 978-289031 -920-2. Pp. 311. $25 Can. As the new millennium begins, Dr. Brian Sauvé, psychiatrist, attends a New Year’s Eve celebration with other therapists in New York. The party turns to horror when Brian discovers the dying body of a mutilated woman in the bathroom. The killer is his mentor, Dr. Martin Lucas. Will Atom Smith, detective, be able to keep Brian, his lover Maelle who has flown to his side from Paris, and his daughter Christal safe from harm? Who will protect them all, especially after a second body is discovered, that of Christal’s best friend Britney? With the crimes accomplished, the confession declared, and the criminal behind bars within the first seventy pages, where will the novel go from here? Brian attempts to pick up the pieces of his life. In doing so, he is thrown into the maelstrom of “le plus grand féminicide contemporain [...]. De la chair humaine livrée aux pires lubies. Du gibier à chasser, à violer, à fracasser, et à jeter”(95– 96). He plunges into the depths of despair as his own abuse as a child resurfaces. He must understand, not just for himself, not simply for his lover, but for his daughter and womankind as a whole. He must unearth, expose, and destroy the secret of the “machiste fondamentaliste” (127). Brian tries to comprehend why one attacks and kills women as a result of being, as a young person, exploited by a man or men. Does it have something to do with the complicit silence of the women who do not stop the aggression of the men who are committing it? As he ages and travels, he witnesses women’s violence against women, lives through his friend’s 9/11 experiences, and senses the birth of a conspiracy to wipe out all women in the world. Can Brian in his new capacity as representative for the UN Commission on Women, convince men to back off and change? “Les hommes haïssent les femmes pour ce qu’elles sont. Les femmes haïssent les hommes pour ce qu’ils font” (213). Do these two sentences summarize (wo)man’s condition in the world today? Lamartine takes her subject so widely that she loses credibility. Why, from the crime of the beginning of the novel, does she think she can eradicate mankind in a nameless time, creating a bizarre new world without appropriate preparation for it? Her horrific ending leaves a bitter taste. She has the potential for several interesting novels, but she takes on too much. She may be the director of Women’s Affairs in Canada, but her bleak worldview is an instant turnoff to this female reader. I fear I shall be haunted by her imagery for a while to 258 FRENCH REVIEW 88.3 Reviews 259 come. In addition, there are places in her novel far below the reading level of the layman . The author should rewrite and attempt at least two if not three separate works from this one. Alliance Française de Santa Rosa (CA) Davida Brautman Laroque, Didier. La mort de Laclos. Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2014. ISBN 978-2-87673931 -4. Pp. 159. 15 a. By the early 1800s the intellectual and often libertine values of the Enlightenment were well on their way to being superseded by Romanticism’s exaltation of emotion, nature, and love. Choderlos de Laclos’s Liaisons dangereuses (1782) somewhat belatedly epitomizes the former, while Rousseau’s Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse (1761), though published earlier, represents the latter and, in fact, was a major factor (along with Goethe’s The Sorrows of Young Werther) in creating the Romantic movement. Laroque’s very late entry into this field alludes to both of these French epistolary novels. Rousseau’s Saint-Preux and his...

Canada’s Focus on International Tax

Canada’s tax policy makers and tax administrators have nevertheless not been idle. The cycle of tax amendments and audit projects to respond to tax planning innovations by taxpayers and their advisors continues as it always has. The legislative and administrative focus on international tax issues is due as much to the evolution of the Canadian economy and globalization (i.e., a general increase in cross-border transactions and relationships for both individuals and businesses) as to specific revenue raising initiatives spurred by the recession. And, while there has been an uptick in government initiatives dealing with international tax in the past five years, this is properly seen as part of a trend that began in the late 1990’s. This article addresses some of the more significant elements of this recent international focus. The topics addressed include Tightening of Canada’s thin capitalization rule, Introduction of foreign affiliate dumping rules, Transfer pricing developments and cases, Anti-hybrid rules in the Canada ? U.S. Income Tax Convention, Services permanent establishment rule in the Canada ? U.S. Income Tax Convention, Treaty shopping tax litigation cases, Limitation on benefits article in the Canada ? U.S. Income Tax Convention, Increases to the international tax audit capacity of the CRA, Increased reporting requirements for foreign property holdings and international transactions. The foregoing discussion of Canada’s focus on international tax in legislation, treaties, tax audits and tax litigation demonstrates the importance of international tax in the Canadian tax system. The legislative rules governing the international affairs of Canadian residents and the Canadian affairs of non-residents are growing more extensive and more complex. Canada’s double tax conventions are increasingly addressing treaty shopping in one way or another. Finally, CRA’s attention and pursuit of international tax issues in tax audits and tax litigation is on the rise.

Counselling psychology in a Canadian context: Definition and description.

Counselling psychology, established in 1987 as a specialization wiutin Canadian professional psychology, has developed a distinctive identity and specific underlying approach to training and practice. To date, the field in has evolved without benefit of a formal definition of the specialization. Over three years, a task force charged with development of a definition of Canadian counselling psychology engaged in a broad survey of extant literature and member consultation, and proposed a definition that was adopted by the Board of Directors of the Canadian Psychological Association in June 2009. The present work discusses the process that informed development of the definition, provides a description of the characteristics of a Canadian counselling psychology approach to research and practice, and enumerates challenges to the continued development of the specialization. Keywords: counselling psychology, professional identity, definition of specialization in psychology In 1983, following discussions on forming a section of counselling psychology within the Canadian Psychological Association (CPA), Friesen used seven criteria to evaluate whether or not counselling psychology deserved status as its own specialization (Friesen, 1983). The criteria comprised (a) a distinct subject matter, (b) an adequate body of theory and research, (c) welldeveloped research methods, (d) a community of scholars, (e) the presence of supporting organisations/services, (f) widespread utility, and (g) a belief that counselling psychology exists. Three years later, counselling psychology became its own section of the CPA (Lalande, 2004). Evidence for each of these criteria has grown over time, and, in November 2009, the CPA Board of Directors adopted a formal definition of counselling psychology as a distinct specialization within applied psychology. The purpose of this article is to examine the question, what is counselling psychology as conceptualised and practiced in Canada? We provide a definition1 grounded in Canadian history and traditions and describe contemporary counselling psychology in Canada. In doing so, we follow the path set by the Clinical Psychology and Industrial-Organisational Psychology sections, which published similar descriptive articles in Canadian Psychology following section endorsement and CPA board approval of their definitions (Kline, 1996; Valus & Howes, 1996). We do not claim to fully represent all possible perspectives on counselling psychology in Canada; however, we believe that this article represents a contemporary and widely endorsed perspective. Despite its well-established presence and 50-year history in the United States (Munley, Duncan, & McDonnell, 2004), there has been considerable confusion about the nature of counselling psychology and the characteristics of counselling psychologists in Canada. This confusion persists despite the fact that (a) counselling psychology is recognised as a distinct area of practice by most provincial and territorial boards of psychology, (b) the Counselling Psychology section of CPA has existed since 1986 (Lalande, 2004), and (c) membership in the section has nearly tripled over the past five years.2 The historical absence of a widely adopted definition of counselling psychology in has contributed to the confusion. The situation has been further exacerbated by counselling psychology's overlap with several other professional specialities, particularly clinical psychology and mental health counselling. Previous descriptions of the discipline published in Canadian journals have been centred on American literature and events (e.g., Friesen, 1983; Lecomte, Dumont, & Zingle, 1981; SinacoreGuinn, 1995) and seem to represent a 'Canadian perspective' largely because the writers are Canadians, not because they focus on the state of affairs in Canada (Hiebert & Uhlemann, 1993, p. 307). This is problematic because the evolution of counselling psychology in occurs in a background of important national and cultural contexts that are not found in the United States (Boucher, 2004; Young & Nicol, 2007). …

Will Canada Be an Open Democracy after May 2?

On Monday, May 2, 2001, Canadians will vote in a federal election. It remains unclear whether the results will be significantly affected by deep concerns amongst many Canadians of authoritarian, deceitful and multifariously unethical behavior by the governing Conservative Party since becoming a minority government in 2006 (re-elected in 2008). My purpose in this article is to raise awareness of the threat to open democracy in Canada posed by the nearly pathological extent to which secrecy and manipulation of access to the truth has taken over Ottawa and Parliamentary affairs in Canada. I do this by narrating three interconnected examples of how bad things have become in Canada. The examples are unified both by the context of a broken Parliamentary system faced with a resolutely all-controlling Prime Minister and by a specific substantive concern. That concern is the question of why Canada’s government has deliberately maintained a policy of transferring detainees in Afghanistan to Afghan intelligence services (notably, the National Directorate of Security or NDS) in full knowledge of the torture practices of those agencies and thus of the risks faced by each transferred detainee.

Quebec's International Relations During the Negotiations of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (in French)

The Commission of the Institutions of the French National Assembly of Quebec took the initiative to publish a document of consultation entitled “Quebec and the Free Trade Area of the Americas: Political and socio-economic effects,” in order to hold public audiences from September 26, 2000. The present report results from research undertaken within the framework of an action-research project, of which just contents complementary of the results of research that we could not expose in our call report which is an activity of integration obligatory to obtaining the Master’s degree in Public Administration with concentration in International Management of the ENAP. Our mandate was to identify a problematic situation of international administrative nature, to clarify it with the constituent and to formulate proposals for solutions to the Quebec’s Ministry of International Relations (see Lapointe, Jean-Claude, 2000a). The present report is deposited at the National School of Public Administration and is submitted to the Commissions of the Institutions of the French National Assembly of Quebec which is competent as regards to intergovernmental relations (Canadian and International Affairs) (Lapointe, Jean-Claude, 2000b). The Chapter-I aims at exploring the problems of the multilateral trade negotiations, the FTAA and the integration of the Americas. Our methodology explains the strategy of research per exploratory case study and the techniques of data acquisition, the results and the limits of the report. The Chapter-II presents the ministry for the International Relations of Quebec (MRI) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade of Canada (DFAIT). We study the foreseeable future of the ZLEA and the integration of the Americas starting from the Summit of the Americas of Miami (1994) with its Statement of Principles of Miami and its Action plan. The context of the negotiations of the FTAA and the integration of the Americas is set up with IIe Summit of the Americas of Santiago (1998) with the Declaration of Santiago and its Action plan. The official launching of the negotiations of the Free Trade Area of Americas (FTAA) from here to 2005 must follow the principles and objectives of negotiation fixed in the Ministerial Declaration of San Jose (1998). The Chapter-III is divided into two parts to establish our conceptual framework. Part 3.1 relates to the role of the State in the context of globalization, to the actors of the international community of the Americas, to the practice of Quebec and Canada on the international scene and to the legal and government systems in the Americas. Part 3.2 approaches the concepts of Free Trade and Protectionism according to the international economic theory before presenting the former negotiations of the Can-US-FTA, the NAFTA and the Uruguay Round of the GATT/WTO to then evaluate the arguments in favour of regionalism and/or multilateralism. The Chapter-IV analysis starts with the public international law and especially the international commercial law which has an impact on the constitutional and administrative law of Quebec. The constitutional division of powers in the federation determines the governments which can act, that is to say according to the relevant rules and principles. We present the results obtained at the time of three seminars and conferences on the development of the community of Americas: Hemispherical integration after the Summit of Santiago? Una gran familia? ; Peace Keeping: a Concept in Evolution; Conference of Montreal on the Americas of the XXI Century and we pose a diagnosis to specify the problem to be solved. The Chapter-V proposes a solution and Chapter-VI offers some recommendations for the development of the International Relations Policy of Quebec in the Americas and the FTAA. In Chapter-VII our CONCLUSION discusses the Neo-federalists or Communitarianists visions of the integration of the Americas.Memory Brief Submitted to the Committee on Institutions of the French National Assembly of Quebec and Deposited with the ENAP - National School of Public Administration, University of Quebec.

Our Dear Cousins the Americans: Sara Jeannette Duncan in Washington

As a young woman, Canadian author Sara Jeannette Duncan (1861–1922) spent nearly a year writing for the Washington Post on literary and cultural matters, and published many of her assessments of American society in The Week, Goldwin Smith's journal of Canadian affairs. Her articles repay close scrutiny not only for their inherent interest as witty observations of America by an engaged Canadian observer, but also for the manner in which they reveal Duncan's national preoccupations and biases. Approaching the Republic with neither antipathy nor deference, Duncan turned her newspaper sketches into an occasion for wide-ranging cultural comment on the nature of the republican experiment – especially concerning America's claims to freedom and human flourishing. She found the results encouraging, if not without salutary warnings, for Canadian efforts in the same direction.

Juvenile Travellers: Priscilla Wakefield's Excursions in Empire

While most discussions of juvenile imperial literature relate to the mid-nineteenth century onwards, this article draws attention to an earlier period by examining the children's books of Priscilla Wakefield. Between 1794 and 1817 Priscilla Wakefield wrote sixteen children's books that included moral tales, natural history books and a popular travel series. Her experience of the British Empire's territories was, in the main, derived from the work of others but her use of interesting characters, exciting travel scenarios, the epistolary form to enhance the narrative and fold-out maps added interest to the information she presented. Her strong personal beliefs are evident throughout her writing and an abhorrence of slavery is a recurring theme. She was also the grandmother and main caregiver of the young Edward Gibbon Wakefield and his immediate siblings. In contrast to his grandmother, Edward Gibbon Wakefield's experience of the empire was both theoretical and practical. He drew on, and departed from, the work of political economists to develop his theory of systematic colonisation and was active in both Canadian and New Zealand affairs. He began writing about colonisation in the late 1820s and his grandmother's influence can be seen in his wide use of existing sources and attractive writing style to communicate with his audience.

Salient Facts Or Causal Keys?

To understand the strengths and weaknesses of this thoroughly researched, comparative study requires attention to both the title and the subtitle of the book. The obvious subject matter is how the politics of national health insurance evolved historically in both nations. Here, Gerard Boychuk, director of global governance at the Balsillie School of International Affairs in Canada, covers ground others have addressed, but he brings to the topic admirable clarity and narrative skill. The subtitle—race, territory, and the roots of difference (in national health insurance politics)—is a very different matter. As I wrote candidly in a blurb prior to publication, this is a “bold revisionist” work. It “challenges” received explanations of the “divergent paths” Canada and the United States have indisputably taken over the past fifty years or more. For Boychuk, the puzzle is why others have not paid attention to obvious factors he finds causally crucial: namely, American race relations and Quebec’s special territorial place in Canada’s federalism. The book, I concluded, is a “worthy addition to the literature,” but that judgment requires additional explanation. Like others who have noted but not highlighted the differentiating factors Boychuk stresses, I find the causal centrality of these features unconvincing. Put another way, the factors are obvious, but not their causal force. It is indeed true that no one observing American politics over the past century could miss the salience of racial conflicts in that history. But a salient fact is not by itself a causal key. Imagine as a counterfactual that the South had only had a white population, with all of the other factors of agriculture, sharecropping, poverty, and class structure the same. Would national health insurance have become much more likely, say, in 1948, or 1961, when the Kennedy administration opted for a Medicare strategy? Looked at this way, the ever-present elements of racial division in those years accompanied—and contributed some to—the conservative coalition of southern Democrats and traditional Republicans that effectively killed national health insurance for decades. Equally, Quebec—although the last province to accept full Canadian Medicare in 1971—would not have transformed the program’s history if somehow its role had disappeared. The key step is to ask the “but for” question and reflect, as opposed to insisting that one or another factor has to be central. None of this is to claim that in the course of dealing with the deep ideological and interestbased conflicts over national health insurance that race and Quebec’s status played no role: at different points, the story might well have been a bit different had these factors been absent. Yet this does not substantiate the stronger claim that Boychuk wants to make. Boychuk instead insists on treating U.S. race relations and Quebec’s role in Canadian federalism as the “roots” of the different results. At best, it led him to review a number of B o o k R e v i e w s

The Terrorist Threat: Existential or Exaggerated? A “Red Cell” Perspective

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsGeorge C. FidasGeorge C. Fidas is an Adjunct Professor at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University in Washington, D.C. and veteran of more than thirty years in the Intelligence Community. Mr. Fidas held several analytical and managerial positions at the Central Intelligence Agency, serving also as Deputy and later Acting National Intelligence Officer for Economics and Global Issues on the National Intelligence Council. He served also in the State Department's Bureau of European and Canadian Affairs, and as the Director of Central Intelligence's faculty representative to the National Defense University's Industrial College of the Armed Forces. As his final tour of duty, Mr. Fidas was Director for Outreach in the Office of the Assistant Director of Central Intelligence for Analysis and Production, where his responsibilities included increasing the nexus between the Intelligence Community and knowledge communities outside the government. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Annual Conference of the International Studies Association, Chicago, Illinois, in February 2007. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. Government.

Challenging the Cultural Mosaic: Shani Mootoo's "Out on Main Street"

The essay examines the short story “Out on Main Street” (1993) by Caribbean-Canadian author Shani Mootoo as an example of fictional contestations of the official policy of multiculturalism in Canada, which has been a major discourse in the realm of cultural affairs in Canada since the Canadian Multiculturalism Act of 1988. Canadian multiculturalism is often critiqued as a token policy aiming at keeping non-‘white’ Canadians from the ‘white’ cultural center of Canadian society. The discourse of multiculturalism is often conceptualized by the spatial metaphor of the mosaic and thus implies rigid boundaries, in this case between ethno-cultural groups. Mootoo is read here as one among many contemporary non-‘white’ Canadian authors of fiction that draft alternative spatial orders to the cultural mosaic in their texts and thus offer ways of imagining Canadian society differently.

Reflections on the Unequal Border

American Assembly has an exquisite sense of timing. Since 1945, Canada-U S relations have experienced serious spasms of discontent, neatly spaced at ao-year intervals, and the assembly has arranged be there on each occasion report on testing times and turning points. Its first study appeared in 1964, right after a great argument over nuclear weapons and just before an ostentatious nationalist enthusiasm seized segments of Canadian opinion. Two decades later, the assembly caught another mood of unease and period of transition, this time poised between a special relationship which had collapsed and a free trade movement that was clearly gaining momentum. Now, early in the zist century, Canadians again sneer at a swaggering cowboy in the White House, and Americans again glance northwards at a wayward neighbour. It is time talk once more.During the second World War, President Franklin Roosevelt and Prime Minister Mackenzie King inaugurated the modern Canadian-American relationship in their border meeting at Ogdensburg, NY, in August 1940. Americans who noticed such things were apt from then on think of Canada as a vital piece of strategic real estate. Canadians could occasionally seem troublesome, preaching Washington about how run its foreign policy, but the northern neighbour was a solid, stable, and reliable ally. US rendered the same service, but not without plenty of condescension, as the assembly's 1964 volume illustrated. Everett C. Hughes, an American sociologist who had taught on both sides of the border, wrote that the people of his country were always a bit astonished that Canadians do not want be United States Americans. It was hard take Canada entirely seriously. experiment north of the border would surely come unstuck. The myopia of ethnocentrism, Hughes called the US attitude.1Editor John Sloan Dickey of Dartmouth College described the assembly's publication, TAe United States and as an undertaking in mutual understanding. He concentrated his remarks on the famous border between the countries, not because it was undefended, but because it operated unequally as a boundary separating the two peoples. Most Americans had little experience of the border, while most Canadians had little experience but the border. Canada was simply one of America's problems, as the University of Rochester historian Mason Wade put it, while for Canada the United States was the problem, ubiquitous and continuous. By this measure, and even putting aside the disparities of size, power, wealth, and global responsibilities, it was understandable if the United States paid little attention Canada.The volume's American chapters, written by generalists wide Canadian experience and contacts, all emphasized the unequal border, but they did so varying degrees of patience. Hughes was sympathetic: To Canadians who feel pushed, the United States must seem very close indeed. For Dickey, the inequality of the border explained much about the relationship. Canada could scarcely do more than react the border's pull, and thus reactive nationalism was a Canadian necessity. But it was a second class force, hardly a substitute for the positive sense of identity and independence that the country seeks-and merits. From his perch at Princeton, and reflecting on his work in the US government, Jacob Viner acknowledged the widespread American ignorance of things Canadianin my academic and civil service experience never met or heard of a specialist on Canadian affairs in Washington. Yet he dismissed the claim that Canada was poorer because of it. United States was far from perfect, but it had treated important Canadian files preferentially, and with special generosity. I am not going present a catalogue of 'benevolent' American actions toward Canada, he continued, to match the Canadian catalogues of grievances which Canada suffers. But taking 'benevolence' as it manifests itself in international relations, could do so, and others no doubt could much extend my catalogue. …

Intuitive Nationalist Walter Gordon as Thinker

This article examines Walter Gordon's influence on Canadian political thought, particularly, his ideas about Canada's economic relations with the United States. It argues that Gordon lacked understanding of the international economic issues that were central to much of his thought and that his views were based on intuition and personal experience, rather than examination of Canadian affairs. Nevertheless, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, his public prominence and connections with the media, coupled with a growing unease in Canada about the country's relations with the United States, allowed Gordon to amass broad support for his efforts to reduce Canada's reliance on American capital.

Crusading for the Forgotten: Dr. Peter Bryce, Public Health, and Prairie Native Residential Schools

This article examines the rise of the public health movement and its impact on native affairs in Canada at the turn of the century. It focuses on the efforts of Peter Bryce, Chief Medical Officer for the Departments of the Interior and Indian Affairs, to improve conditions in native schools and on reserves. In 1907 Bryce released his controversial Report on the Indian Schools of Manitoba and the North West Territories, revealing that 24 percent of all native residential school students had died of tuberculosis. Believing firmly that the state was responsible for promoting the health and welfare of its people, Bryce insisted that the federal government address this high death rate. His tireless crusade on behalf of the native population demonstrated the extent to which native affairs were influenced by the broader social, political, and economic agendas of the day, and anticipated the federal government's changing role in social services following World War I.

Papal Diplomacy in the Modern Age ed. by Peter C. Kent, and John F. Pollard

Papal Diplomacy in the Modern Age. Edited by Peter C. Kent and John F. Pollard. (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Publishers. 1994. Pp. xiv, 288. $59.95.) nineteen essays in this volume were originally presented at a symposium, The Holy See in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, held at the University of New Brunswick in 1991. In their introduction the editors assert that modern papal diplomacy is unique because the Holy See is unlike other international actors in its organization, objectives, and methods. While the subsequent essays vary in the degree to which they develop of even address this thesis, they provide a useful if necessarily episodic, survey of the Vatican's place in the diplomatic history of the first two centuries. contributions range chronologically from the Congress of Vienna to the fall of the Berlin Wall and geographically from North America to Southeast Asia by way of Nicaragua, Ireland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia, Israel, and Lebanon. Some of the ground has been plowed before, but several essays explore new territory. In separate papers Roberto Perin and Phyllis Leblanc consider the way in which issues of language and ethnicity drew the Holy See into Canadian affairs at the turn of the century. John Conway offers several thoughtful insights into the contentious debate over the Vatican's response to Nazi Germany and the Holocaust. Describing Pope Paul VI's futile efforts to mediate the Vietnam War, Roy Palmer Domenico demonstrates that the war marked a significant reappraisal by the Vatican of its tacit alliance with the United States against communism. Finally, the late Peter Hebblethwaite provides an interesting appreciation of the Holy See's role in post-Ostpolitik Europe. scope of any collection such as this is necessarily Limited by the research interests of the contributors, and the editors certainly make no claim for comprehensive coverage of their subject. Still, given the title of the work a reader might be surprised by certain omissions. twenty-five-year pontificate of Leo XIII is represented only by the above mentioned papers on ecclesiastical affairs in Canada. One might expect greater interest in a pontificate which sought to reclaim for the Papacy a significant role in international affairs and whose engagement in such areas as the Caroline Islands dispute, the Spanish-American War, the First Hague Peace Conference, and the French ralliement represented the Papacy's most ambitious diplomatic agenda in more than a century. treatment of papal diplomacy during World War I as little more than an introduction to the diplomacy of the 1920's is curious, especially since historians have hardly begun to mine the riches of the wartime files of the Secretariat of State and the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs which are now entirely open for study. …

Roberto Perin, Rome in Canada. The Vatican and Canadian Affairs in the late Victorian Age, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1990, 299 p.

Roberto Perin, Rome in Canada. The Vatican and Canadian Affairs in the late Victorian Age, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1990, 299 p.