Political Accountability Research Articles

Impact of Vernacular Radio Regulatory Policies on Peacebuilding During 2007, 2012, and 2017 Conflicts in Presidential Elections in Kisumu County, Kenya

The purpose of this study was to investigate the role of the Ramogi Vernacular FM Radio Station and peacebuilding interventions during conflicts arising from presidential elections in 2007, 2012, and 2017. Specifically, the study aimed to assess the impact of Vernacular Radio regulatory editorial policies on peacebuilding. The study was guided by Agenda setting theory. The study used a mixed method (triangulation) research design. Purposive, Stratified, and Simple random sampling techniques were used to select the sample size of 384 respondents. However, 345 (89.8%) respondents from the sample were injected into the study whereby 104 were Head teachers of Primary Schools; 44 principals of secondary schools; 7 Sub-County Administrators; 67 Market Chairpersons; 38 supermarket Proprietors: 56 Bodaboda (Motor Cycle) Operators; 25 Bodaboda Sacco Chairpersons in Kisumu County and 4 Media Persons returned questionnaires and a ration of 1:10 was interviewed. Data for the study was collected by the use of questionnaires, interview schedules, and document analysis. Pearson’s r for the reliability of piloted data was +0.89 for educationists and +0.82 for business fraternity which indicated good internal consistency. Quantitative data was analysed through descriptive and inferential statistics and presented using tables and pie charts. Qualitative data was thematically analysed using NVIVO and presented through thematic narratives, which involved the identification and interpretation of patterns and themes whereby inferential statistics were used to gauge influence. The finding showed that the media outlets freely broadcast to residents. Further, social actors’ utterances were not monitored and this was a recipe for chaotic outcomes. This research recommended that there is a need for policy formulation to fill gaps in media policies to facilitate freedom of the press, need for political accountability, and need to adapt inter-cultural dialogue to enhance social cohesion.

Vymožiteľnosť politickej zodpovednosti v prípade korupčného konania na slovenskej politickej scéne

Tackling corruption regularly appears on the agendas of almost all governments. Anti-corruption public policies aim to prevent corrupt behaviour both at the highest levels of government and in everyday social life. On the one hand, corruption seriously undermines the democratic principles of the rule of law; on the other hand, the enforceability of political accountability linked to the rule of law determines the level of corruption. The aim of the study is to identify the enforceability of legal responsibility for corrupt acts against public officials in the Slovak political arena during the electoral periods from 1994 to 2020. This objective is fulfilled by answering research questions focused on the incidence rate and definition of corrupt conduct in the Slovak Republic environment. The main method of the paper is a collective case study conducted on 219 cases. The results showed that the societal pressure for accountability of political accountability is increasing over time. Hence, the importance of anti-corruption public policy is growing, but its effectiveness remains questionable. The results of the research point to low levels of accountability, especially under left-wing governments.

Impeachment: A Mechanism between Political Accountability and Legal Responsibility? Common Law Sources and the Brazilian Originalist Model

Abstract This paper seeks to analyze impeachment as a mechanism of institutional control of political actors, searching for its historical and theoretical bases in common law, so as to uncover the sources of the Brazilian originalist model. The Brazilian model deserves special attention due to its highly distinct, descriptive constitutional hypotheses. Before attempting to define the nature of impeachment, the main objective was to place the general idea of responsibility within the theoretical scope of representative democracy, accounting for potential failures resulting in frustration of expectations of constituencies and/or abuse of power by representatives. While identifying structural distinctions between political accountability and legal responsibility, it was appropriate to bring forth the requirement of legal violation in classical Athenian precedents (eisangeliai). In the end, this analysis goes over historical mutations of the impeachment mechanism: a) establishment of procedural parameters (British first cases); b) inceptive prerequisite of legal violation (Stuart period); c) attemptable specification of appropriate legal hypotheses (US); d) constitutional provision of precise categories of legal violation (Brazil).

Social Justice and Native American Political Engagement

Abstract The run-up to the 2020 election in the United States was marked by an unprecedented health pandemic and a social movement to challenge structural racism and advance social justice. Record numbers of Americans risked their health by protesting and voting in 2020. We analyze the relationship between a desire to advance social justice and Native American political behavior and political accountability utilizing data from the 2020 American Election Eve Survey’s large sample of Native American voters. We find that in 2020, both perceptions of racial discrimination and the COVID-19 health pandemic had a significant effect on Native American mobilization and political accountability. We also advance the limited research on the Native American electorate by finding that living on or very near tribal lands is a consequential factor for Native American political behavior and their pursuits for justice through political participation.

Theory after Practice

Theory after Practice

Radioactive: The Father Coughlin Story by Andrew Lapin

Reviewed by: Radioactive: The Father Coughlin Storyby Andrew Lapin David Weinstein (bio) Radioactive: The Father Coughlin StoryAndrew Lapin, host Eight episodes (10 12, 2021 to 11 23, 2021) Produced by Tablet Studios, with support from Maimonides Fund, in association with The WNET Group's reporting initiative Exploring Hate: Antisemitism, Racism, and Extremismhttps://www.tabletmag.com/podcasts/radioactive Radioactive, a terrific eight-part podcast series from Tablet, examines the life and legacy of Father Charles Coughlin. Tablet is well-established in Jewish news and culture circles for its daily Tabletonline magazine and weekly Unorthodoxpodcast. Radioactiverepresents a significant step forward for Tablet as a podcast producer. Unorthodoxfollows a standard format for culture podcasts: smart, charismatic hosts share their thoughts on the news and interview one or two guests, who usually have a book or other product to promote. Radioactivetakes elements of this format: An insightful host, Andrew Lapin, presents Coughlin's story assuming that the listener is well-educated and curious about history and culture, especially Jewish people and ideas. But Radioactivealso expands on the familiar podcast style by ambitiously incorporating elements that are more typical in historical documentary films. Radioactiveis driven by a rich narrative, meticulous research, surprising archival material, and apt clips of interviews with scholars who are experts in their respective fields. The series will engage historians and general listeners, including those who already know a little about Coughlin. Radioactiveis the first podcast series for the Detroit-based Lapin, an experienced print journalist, and occasional commentator on other radio shows and podcasts, who has published widely about film, popular culture, and American Jewish life. Lapin contextualizes Coughlin's biography within the histories of radio, American Catholicism, American Nazism, 1930s political movements, and political communication. The host peppers his fast-moving narrative history with surprising anecdotes about people who came into Coughlin's orbit, from Babe Ruth to J. Edgar Hoover. Lapin also interviews appropriate archivists and scholars who succinctly analyze Coughlin and his times. For example, American Jewish Historyreaders will hear the familiar voices of Gary Zola, Richard Breitman, and Thomas Doherty. Throughout the series, Lapin incorporates rare archival audio of Coughlin's radio speeches, including many that have not circulated among radio collectors and will be new to most Radioactivelisteners. The audio quality of these archival programs is excellent. Radioactive's engineers have removed the crackles, pops, and broadcast interference typical of radio disks from this era. Links to [End Page 334]additional audio clips, primary articles, scholarly books, and full program transcripts are available through co-producer WNET's Exploring Hate website: https://www.pbs.org/wnet/exploring-hate/series/radioactive/. These resources will be useful to teachers, though there is, at this time, only one link to additional Coughlin programs: a poorly organized online Coughlin archive at the University of Detroit-Mercy. The producers may have been unable to secure rights to stream Coughlin's broadcasts on the Exploring Hate site. In fact, neither the website nor the individual episode credits are as clear as they should be about the provenance of the best Radioactiveclips of Coughlin. A popular Catholic priest with a weekly radio program, Coughlin stands today as a prominent symbol of, and catalyst for, American antisemitism during the 1930s. Radioactivepresents a nuanced account of Coughlin's career and politics. Born in Hamilton, Ontario in 1891, Coughlin was ordained in 1916. His career took off in 1926, when Reverend Michael Gallagher, Bishop of Detroit, offered Coughlin an opportunity to start a new parish, the Shrine of the Little Flower, in Royal Oak, north of Detroit. Coughlin used the emerging medium of radio to expand his influence through weekly sermons: a fiery mix of anti-communism, isolationism, populism, and commentary on Scripture. During the late 1920s, radio became a powerful force in American life, reaching listeners across the country with the same programing simultaneously. "Radio could sell cereal," Lapin asserts, "But was it big enough to sell God? In 1927, just a few months into his radio career, Father Coughlin took a big bet that the answer was going to be yes." By 1930, Coughlin was airing nationally on the...

The Democratic Limits of Populist Politics

The Democratic Limits of Populist Politics

How Organizational Capacity Can Improve Electoral Accountability

AbstractThe organizational structure of the bureaucracy is a key determinant of policy outcomes. Bureaucratic agencies exhibit wide variation in their organizational capacity, which allows politicians to strategically shape policy implementation. This article examines what bureaucratic structure implies for the ability of voters to hold politicians electorally accountable. It explicitly models differences in organizational capacity across bureaucratic agencies and considers a problem where a politician must decide not only which policy to choose but which agency, or combination of agencies, will implement it. The choice of implementation feeds back into the choice of policy and this, in turn, affects how voters perceive the performance of the incumbent. This creates a chain of interdependence from agency structure to policy choice and political accountability. The formal model shows that the variation in organizational capacity serves the interests of voters by improving electoral control of politicians.

South Africa regains polio-free status: Processes involved and lessons learnt

The World Health Organization recommends continuous immunisation coverage and polio surveillance standards for countries to sustain a polio-free status. We highlight experiences and lessons learnt by South Africa (SA) in losing – and subsequently regaining – its polio-free status. Following some decline in achieving acute flaccid paralysis surveillance and immunisation coverage targets, SA had its polio-free status withdrawn in 2017. Existing gaps were addressed and the polio-free status was regained in 2019. Lessons learnt from this experience include reaffirming the importance of continued commitment to polio eradication efforts, strengthening health systems through quality improvement projects, ensuring accountability in supervision, and monitoring of polio-related indicators. Consistent political commitment, collaboration and accountability are critical in sustaining the country’s health programmes, including maintaining a polio-free status and closing identified gaps.

Taking Account of the Visual Politics of Populism

Previous articleNext article No AccessTaking Account of the Visual Politics of PopulismBenjamin MoffittBenjamin MoffittAustralian Catholic University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Polity Ahead of Print The Journal of the Northeastern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/719829 HistoryPublished online June 02, 2022 © 2022 Northeastern Political Science Association. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Complex Constructions of the People and the Leader in Populism

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Complex Constructions of the People and the Leader in PopulismCarlos de la TorreCarlos de la TorreUniversity of Florida Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Polity Volume 54, Number 3July 2022Eyes Wide Shut The Journal of the Northeastern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/719920 Views: 118Total views on this site Citations: 4Citations are reported from Crossref HistoryPublished online June 02, 2022 © 2022 Northeastern Political Science Association. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Till Weber Quantitative Populism: Of Shapes and Shades, Polity 54, no.33 (Jun 2022): 519–528.https://doi.org/10.1086/719796Paula Diehl and Till Weber Introduction, Polity 54, no.33 (Jun 2022): 503–508.https://doi.org/10.1086/719797Benjamin Moffitt Taking Account of the Visual Politics of Populism, Polity 54, no.33 (Jun 2022): 557–564.https://doi.org/10.1086/719829Alyson Cole, Robyn Marasco, and Charles Tien Eyes Wide Shut, Polity 54, no.33 (Jun 2022): 403–407.https://doi.org/10.1086/720186

Arab Authoritarianism, Arab Uprisings, and the Future

Arab Authoritarianism, Arab Uprisings, and the Future Saliba Sarsar (bio) Authoritarianism–a form of government that favors a strong chief executive; a limited separation of power; reduced rule of law; constrained voting; and weak pluralism–is alive and well in many Arab countries. Their transitions to democracy remain stalled.1 This article will examine this reality by first distinguishing between authoritarian regimes and democratic rule, second by examining three of the main causes of the Arab uprisings during the 2010-2020 period, and third by suggesting a more promising future in ruler-ruled relationships in Arab countries. Authoritarian Regimes versus Democratic Rule In authoritarian regimes, a single leader, usually supported by a small elite group, has wide control over state institutions and its processes. Constitutions are followed to serve and secure the governing body, not challenge it.2 The judiciary is present but there is no guarantee that the rule of law is applied in [End Page 121] an equitable and impartial manner. Legislatures or parliaments, if they exist at all, are more likely limited to have advisory and ceremonial functions, hardly impacting their governments' crucial decisions. Political rivals, potential or otherwise, are commonly neutralized. Opposition parties and movements rarely have wide latitude to cause major changes in policies. Civil liberties and political rights are restricted, and the public has little to no influence on state decisions. While elections are not always free or fair, they are held regularly for presidents and national parliaments. The executive branch closely monitors the status of election districts and those running for office to ensure results are always in its favor. Pluralism that makes room for citizens' differing choices–cultural, economic, political, religious, and social–and for inclusion is not fully embraced. Obviously, not all authoritarian states are alike. Two main regime types are monarchies and republics. In the context of the Arab Middle East, while the former is best illustrated by the presence of a king, sultan, emir, or sheikh, the latter is demonstrated by a president or prime minister.3 Both types have a monopoly on the instruments or mechanisms of military and financial power structures. In monarchies, political tenure is normally secured through heredity and lasts for life. In a presidential republic, acquisition of power is reached through the avenue of a political party win or a military overthrow of government. Political tenure is or becomes prescribed by the constitution but sometimes is extended through controlled elections or constitutional means. This occurred in Egypt in 2019 when the constitution was amended to prolong the tenure of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and ensure his consolidation of power. If a major leadership change is to happen before its due time, it results mostly from the abdication, overthrow, assassination, or death of the king or president. Arab monarchies are found in Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates. Among the Arab authoritarian republics are those found in Egypt and Syria. In contrast, democracy enables citizens to utilize their public potential through civil liberties and political rights. It gives individuals space to practice their freedoms–political, religious, social, and economic. Citizens are empowered through voting, joining of political organizations, and holding public office. Their voice matters, as popular consent is a central element to [End Page 122] the legitimacy of rule. Essential attributes of a democracy are well-functioning legislatures, independent judiciaries, and a free media. It is suggested that "the more that people are free to govern and actualize themselves, the more democratic they become."4 The more that their democratic participation and human rights are respected, the more dignified they feel.5 Arab Countries and Arab Springs While Arab countries have engaged over the years in various efforts at liberalization or political reform toward good governance, political accountability, and transparency, which are among the key elements of democracy, these have been inconsistent or weak at best. In his evaluation of political reform in Arab countries two years prior to the Arab Spring, Marwan Muasher wrote: Though ad hoc programs to expand certain political freedoms had been undertaken here and there, no Arab country could claim a systematic process of political reform that would encourage the kind of...

Investigating the Legacies of Violence and Conflict in Transitional Justice and Peace

Violations of law, human rights abuse, and socio-economic and political grievances are legacies of violence and conflict-affected politics. In recent times, the aggravation of violence and conflict has hindered political development and instigated socio-economic grievances. Transitional justice and peace deal with human rights abuses, violation of rights, violence, and other grievances in societies in transition. One of the main focuses of transitional justice discourse is to engage human rights law for political stability, accountability, and peace in changes, as developed in the strict law practice. This research is descriptive and relies on secondary data. Thus, transitional justice and the rule of law are considered a framework for analysis in violence and conflict-affected politics as intertwined to promote post-violence and conflict or socio-economic and political stability. Therefore, various political actors have engaged in promoting the rule of law and the promotion of peace through security sector reform. With the focus on transitional justice, various processes have been considered through the promotion of rule of law, security, and accountability in the Niger Delta and the northeast of Nigeria that have been ravaged by insurgency, terrorism, violence, and conflict, and these processes have been supported and developed by an increasing number of actors at the national and international levels. Therefore, this paper investigates the socio-economic and political legacies of violence and conflict in transitional justice and peace and examines the interaction of transitional justice and the values of the rule of law in dealing with political tensions as shown in the cases of Boko Haram and Niger Delta. This paper recommends that transitional justice and the rule of law contribute to peace and post-conflict recovery for socio-economic and political grievances resulting from violence and conflict.

Mapping Sustainability across the World: Signs, Challenges and Opportunities for Democratic Countries

This article aims to create the nexus between sustainable development and the quality of the political regime. The study aims to respond to the following research questions: “how could influence the quality of the democracy the dynamics of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs 17)?” and “what are the premises for sustainable development in the new political context, characterized by democratic recession?” The purpose of the study is to underline the fact that democratic regimes are inclined to create both participative and deliberative frames for achieving the SDGs in accordance with UN 2030 Agenda. The research methodology used in this study is based on descriptive and inferential statistics. The research data are collected from secondary sources in the years between 2015 and 2021, from 193 countries covering all the geographical areas. The empirical results suggest two models of development: the Asian model of sustainable development characterized by economic growth and the Western democratic model based on democratic institutions, fair justice and mechanisms for preserving peace. We noticed that the key-variables for explaining the dynamics of sustainability in correlation with democratic index are represented by the functioning of the governments and the political participation. Through civic engagement and political accountability, democracy could be seen as a pre-requisite for achieving an optimal level of the SDGs. All these empirical results could prove valuable for the scholars interested in the relation between democracy and sustainability and for the political decision makers involved in shaping strategies for social, economic and environmental development.

Memory, Grief, and Agency: A Political Theological Account of Wrongs and Rites

Memory, Grief, and Agency: A Political Theological Account of Wrongs and Rites

Role of Managerial and Political Accountability in Improving Performance of Local Governments

The belief that governments should be accountable for their actions has brought about many managerial reforms in the form of new public management. However, there are assertions that these performance-oriented managerial reforms weaken the role of political accountability. In this study, by using regression discontinuity design to examine the impact of the South Korean government’s regulatory reform, we explored the relationship between multiple accountability and performance in the public sector. Our findings are as follows: First, we see that managerial accountability systems clearly lead to performance improvement in local governments with poor performance. Second, the impact of managerial accountability on performance depends on political accountability. It means that political accountability should be considered more as a complement, than a substitute.

Law and Illiberalism: A Sociolegal Review and Research Road Map

In democratic backsliding, threats to democracy no longer come from abrupt, radical ruptures promoted by those who are close to, but outside of, state power. They come from those who win elections and, while in office, systematically undermine accountability institutions and minority rights. Zakaria used the term illiberal democracies to describe these regimes where popularly elected governments are divorced from political freedoms and accountability. Law is not absent from these stories. Rising autocrats seek to make their moves legal and use law—as a weapon or as a shield—in attempts to amass power and suppress opposition. Authors coined the term autocratic legalism to describe these power-grabbing tactics that operate through law. Others use different concepts, such as constitutional retrogression or abusive constitutionalism. I review this growing body of literature and outline a research agenda on the encounters between law and illiberalism.

Transforming or tinkering: the world remains unprepared for the next pandemic threat

Transforming or tinkering: the world remains unprepared for the next pandemic threat

State Capture in South Africa and Canada: A Comparative Analysis

Corruption in all its forms, from bribery to influence and distortion of oversight, accountability and justice systems, in order to protect the criminal behavior of functionaries (public officials and political officials) is a global phenomenon. Corruption as a phenomenon is found in well-established democracies such as Canada, and is often endemic in young democracies such as South Africa, who fall into a cycle of political corruption and administrative accountability avoidance. What are the cross-cutting risk factors and mitigation factors that shape the functionality of anti-corruption mechanisms? This comparative analysis of corruption and state capture provides insight into the functionality of oversight, anti-corruption and accountability mechanisms in both countries. Findings indicate that both Canada and South Africa are at risk of the erosion of safeguards and at risk of the deterioration of the levels of vigilance required to prevent state capture.

A Human Right to What Kind of Health?

ABSTRACT Until now, it has mostly been assumed that the kind of health the human right to health is concerned with is clearly understood and universal. Here, I question this assumption and offer an explicitly political and pluralistic account of health that is designed to help guide international and cross-cultural interventions on behalf of health. In order to be a useful mechanism of accountability, the human right to health needs an enforceable minimum standard of health by which to judge situations and to determine if a violation of rights has occurred, but due to its international nature, it also needs to admit a large degree of cultural flexibility. With the account of health that I provide, I hope to clarify what makes up that minimum standard in a way that avoids unjustified parochial bias, while not being so permissive as to undermine the political force of a universal human right.