Until the 3rd century BC, pontiffs (a form of priest) were the only people learned in and able to interpret the law. They wielded control by withholding what the law was. However, in 312 BC, Appius Claudius’ actions-at-law were publicised, instigating the new convention of those with legal knowledge to give public, legal opinions, and birthing the profession of a ‘jurist’ (although there is a great likelihood of this being a mythical story). The first jurist to do this was Tiberius Coruncanius, and from then on, jurists were generally aristocratic men who advised, commented, and essentially wrote law. The main juristic period was from 150 BC to 250 AD, during which the nature of jurists and their influence continued to fluctuate. Most academic scholarship agrees that the jurists were a source of law, since the assertions of Cicero, Gaius, and Justinian that juristic writings were a Roman source of law are incontrovertible. However, there is a continuing debate as to whether these writings enhanced the intellectual development of Roman law. This essay will contend that juristic literature was both a significant source of law and a pivotal component in the intellectual development of Roman law. This will be demonstrated by the direct impact juristic writings, like the responsa, had on the Roman legal system; the indirect influence the jurists had on the law through the praetorian edict and interpretation of the imperial decrees; and the legacy of this juristic literature in later Roman times.

The article examines publications of various genres by Russian authors from the second half of the 18th to the early 20th centuries, which contain information about Aristotle's closest students, collaborators, and followers who lived in the 4th–3rd centuries BC. Using these works as examples, demonstrating the history dissemination of knowledge about such figures as Theophrastus, Aristoxenus, Dicaearchus, Eudemus, and others, conclusions are drawn about the peculiarities of the reception of the Peripatetic legacy in Russian culture. Specifically, it demonstrates that, on the one hand, the Peripatetics remained little known to the Russian intellectual public throughout the period under study. On the other hand, their legacy remained relevant, and in addition to scholarly pursuits (research and translation), it was repeatedly used for didactic and educational purposes. The work also contains additions to the history of Russian Aristotelian studies. The results of the study, presented in the form of a "Bibliographic List," are published as an appendix to the article.

The article discusses a new concept of the development of cultures at the turn of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the Trans-Ural and Tobol regions during the period the 10th to 4th (3rd) centuries BC, proposed by V.A. Borzu-nov. The concept implies the division of the Itkul Culture into the Itkul and Iset Cultures and defining of the eastern local variant of the Itkul Culture as the Yurtobor Culture. The reasoning for the division of the first two cultures lies in the two types of pottery (I and II), combined in the 1970s by G.V. Bel'tikova within the framework of the Itkul Culture of the Trans-Urals. The eastern local variant of the 8th–6th centuries BC was identified in the Tobol region based on materials from weakly fortified settlements with a circular layout and Itkul pottery of type II. Its dynamics was expressed in the assimilation of incoming Uralic groups, development of a new pottery type (Vak-Kur), and the emergence of fortified settlements with unfortified sections. The article argues that identifying the Iset Culture is currently impossible, since the key characteristics, except for ceramics, including territory, typology of settlement and dwellings, tool assemblage, and main economic activities — remain undetermined. Separation of the Eastern Variant of the Itkul Culture as a distinct Yurtobor Culture, despite its well-defined range of characteristics, is also premature, as the main culture-defining feature — Itkul pottery of type II — connects it to Uralic materials. Renaming the “East-ern Variant of the Itkul Culture” into the “Eastern Variant of the Iset Culture” will become possible once the “Iset Cul-ture” itself is identified based on certain characteristics. This paper also presents new statistical data on the number of sites of the Eastern Variant of the Itkul Culture identified in the Tobol region.

ABSTRACT Avdalaz Castle, carved by the Phrygians around the 2nd–3rd century bc in Afyonkarahisar, western Türkiye, and later reused during the Roman and Byzantine periods, represents one of the earliest known multi‐storey rock‐cut settlements in Anatolia. Beyond its architectural uniqueness, the site holds exceptional cultural and historical importance for understanding early urban dwelling patterns in central Anatolia. However, its irregular geometries, multilevel interior chambers and limited accessibility pose significant challenges for accurate digital recording and long‐term preservation. To address these challenges, this study undertakes a comparative assessment of UAV photogrammetry, terrestrial laser scanning (TLS) and iPad LiDAR scanning (iLS). UAV photogrammetry enabled rapid coverage of extensive exterior surfaces, TLS provided high‐accuracy modelling of complex geometries and iLS facilitated data capture within narrow and inaccessible interior chambers. The integration of these complementary datasets was achieved through the Iterative Closest Point (ICP) algorithm and evaluated with cloud‐to‐cloud (C2C) comparisons, which showed a mean distance of less than 2 cm between UAV photogrammetry and TLS for external surfaces. While the study identifies certain limitations (such as the lower precision of iLS compared to TLS and the time‐consuming setup of TLS), it demonstrates the broader intellectual and technological benefits of combining multisensor methods. The adopted approach not only offers a systematic framework for addressing the challenges of documenting sites with complex geometries but also advances the potential of digital tools in cultural heritage preservation. Finally, the integrated 3D point cloud was visualized on a web‐based virtual reality (VR) platform powered by Potree. This interactive environment enabled browser‐based inspection and basic geometric analyses, including profile and volume measurements. By improving accessibility for both researchers and the public, the study demonstrates the practical potential of multisensor integration for cultural heritage documentation.

Bladed weapons were available to the population of Ukraine from the 5th to the 3rd millennium BC. The Cimmerians (9th–7th centuries BC), the Scythians (7th–3rd centuries BC), and the Sarmatians (3rd–2nd centuries BC) came to the Black Sea lands armed with iron swords. The ancient Greek colonization of the coast connected the territory of Ukraine with ancient civilization. In Olbia (5th century BC – first half of the 3rd century AD), attention was paid to physical training and the possession of edged weapons. In the 4th-7th centuries, the anti carried out military campaigns against neighboring states. The great migration of peoples was accompanied by skirmishes, which improved weapons and the art of their possession. In Russia (9th-13th centuries), warriors used swords and sabers of steppe people, children of princely families and warriors were trained from adolescence. From the 15th century, the Zaporizhian Sich was formed on the border steppe. The Cossacks used mainly sabers, there was a system of training newcomers. The saber was of great importance in the development of Cossack-knightly martial arts. During the Russian Empire, fencing was taught in Nikolaev from 1790 at the midshipmen's school, and from 1887 - in sports societies. In 1917–1921, fencing was taught in educational institutions and sports associations in Ukraine, manuals were distributed, competitions were held, and specialist training courses were organized. In the 19th century, combat fencing developed into a sports one. The development of fencing in the Mykolaiv region has its own territorial characteristics, but coincides with general historical processes. Athletes-fencing athletes from the Mykolaiv region achieved success at the Olympic Games, world championships, European and all-Ukrainian competitions under the guidance of highly qualified coaches in specialized educational institutions united by the "Mykolaiv Fencing Federation".

The paper presents the survey and the virtual reconstruction of the remains of the 3rd century BC ‘chamber’ type tombs found at Santa Maria Capua Vetere, along the southern slopes of Monte Massico. The frescoes decorating the walls, surveyed with photogrammetry, have been reconstructed to allow visitors to immerse themselves in the world of the deceased, creating a space of shared spatial reality. The paintings were schematically traced by discretizing the architectural elements. The use of the photogrammetric technique was of essential importance to create the basis for a virtual restoration of the tombs and for the accurate analysis of the wall paintings. Then, starting from the orthophotos of the tombs’ interior walls, the paintings were analysed and restored with the missing geometries to recreate the original appearance of the pictorial decorations. Since the tombs are irreparably damaged and the paintings are quickly disappearing, if not almost gone, the immersive environment is the only tool that allows the tombs to be restored to their ancient splendour. Subsequently, this environment is the only way to let contemporary people understand the feeling of immersion in the world of the dead that the ancient have experienced entering the tombs. If in the past it was the suggestion of the funerary rite, intensified by the environmental context, that enhanced the perception of the initiated, today it is advanced technology that makes it possible to design and construct collaborative spaces in which users can experience, with varying degrees of realism, meaningful and satisfying contexts.

Fifteen horsemen burials dating to the 4th – 3rd centuries BC were excavated at the Starokorsunskoye-2 burial ground. The burials were made in wide rectangular pits, occasionally discernible only as soil discolorations. The deceased horsemen were interred stretched out on their backs, with their heads to the southeast or east-southeast. The buried were accompanied by horses, placed to the right or at the feet of the owner. In some cases, the whole carcass of a horse was replaced by a skin (stuffed animal) with cranial and limb elements. In two burials, equine skeletal remains were missing, but harness components were found in all the burials. In addition, grave goods comprised diverse inventory artifacts: weapons, amphorae and other imports, local pottery, and other items. The standard bridle assemblage consisted of two-piece bits with rigid cheek-devices and cheek-pieces of different types: two-hole rod-shaped, C-shaped, S-shaped, and paddle-shaped varieties. Protective horse equipment is represented by headplates and cheekplates. Warrior accoutrements incorporated Sindo-Maeotian-type swords, spears, arrows, and occasionally darts and combat knives. The general chronology of the burials is limited to the second quarter of the 4th to early 3rd century BC. Precise dating of most of the complexes is set within a quarter of a century on the basis of joint finds of Greek amphorae from different Mediterranean production centers. In general, the material shows that during the 4th – 3rd centuries BC, the Maeotians, who inhabited one of the largest settlements on the right bank of the Lower Kuban, maintained a stratified social structure with an equestrian elite. Their well-equipped cavalry was not inferior to a similar military contingent from the eastern frontiers of the Asian Bosporus and in the Trans-Kuban regions in either quality or sophistication.

Epidaurus is world famous as a well-preserved ancient theatre with good acoustics. The daily tourists are informed that it was connected to the medical sanctuary behind it. In the museum below the theatre, you can clearly see that this 'sanctuary' was a highly specialized super hospital. The instruments on display document surgical expertise on joints, muscles, internal organs and the brain. Epidaurus Medical Centre was from the 3rd century BC and a few hundred years later the Mediterranean world most specialized hospital. In addition to injuries from war, sports and oldage, medical and mental illnesses could also be treated here. Outside the very large hospital and the hotel for the relatives, a space was set up with at theatre to entertain patients and relatives. The popular genres of music, dance and reprise theatre (4th century classical comedies and tragedies) were shown here. International music and sports competitions for the entire Greek-speaking Mediterranean world took place here too thanks to large and persistent sponsorships for the super hospital. At the same time, the medical understanding of 'recovery' at the time contained a series of aesthetic experiences of a visual, aural and rhythmic nature, which could be fully achieved within a theatre space: The operated or weakened body had during medical treatment to be exposed to the singing and dancing body to ensure safe healing and complete recovery. Using the example of Epidaurus, my paper will analyse the relationship between the two bodies - the medical and the artistic - the latter's healthy function for the former. What scientific thinking and experience was behind it? In addition – attending a performance at Epidaurus you have at the same time the most beautiful view of the Greek Peloponnesian landscape. As an audience you can at the same time concentrate and relax, take the landscape in.

The number of Bactrian documents created in the language of the people of the region that included the upper reaches of the Amu Darya, which was called Bactria in ancient times, and Tokhoristan in later times, has exceeded one hundred today. It is known that the ancient Bactrians, belonging to the Eastern Iranian language group, developed their own writing system based on the Greek script in the 3rd century BC. When the Kushan Empire (2nd - 3rd centuries BC) chose Bactria as its base territory, official business began to be conducted in the language of the local population. This tradition continued from the beginning of the 10th century AD, and the chronology of Bactrian sources covers a period of almost a thousand years.

Abstract Two short graffiti from the Memnonium at Abydos, hitherto unidentified, are personal names written in the Sidetic script. They were probably left by mercenaries from Side, mostly likely in the 4th or 3rd century BC.

The history of the identification of Imendyashevo antiquities, which were classified by different researchers as either a distinct type of site or a separate archaeological culture, is considered. Comparative analysis demonstrates that Imendyashevo ceramics acts as a marker of the late stage of the Kara-Abyz culture and as an evolutionary continuation of the Ubalar type within this culture. The Ubalar type was formed no later than the mid 4th – the turn of the 4th– 3rd centuries BC. The bearers of these traditions gradually incorporated nomadic Late Sauromatian (Philipovka), Early Sarmatian (Prokhorovka), Trans-Ural forest-steppe (Itkul), Late Sarmatian, and Mazunino components. Judging by various types of mixed pottery, the latest Kara-Abyz population groups were completely assimilated by the Turbasly and Mazunino population at the beginning – first half of the 5th century AD. According to available data, the territory occupied by the population of the late (Imendyashevo) stage of the Kara-Abyz culture was mainly confined to the right bank of the Belaya River and was limited in the north by the low-mountain taiga Ufa Plateau, in the east by the edge of the mountains of the Southern Urals, extended southward to the latitude of modern sity Salavat. The maximum size of this area was about 250×70 km, but the main part of the sites is concentrated in the Belaya-Ufa-Sim interfluve, occupying the northern part of the area.

The zone of the south-western Balkans, starting from the 3rd century BC, shows a greater affinity for fibulae of the Middle La Tène scheme. Despite the fact that the origin of the finds should be sought to the north, it is the region where the influences of the Mediterranean and Central Europe mix with the traditional cultures of the south-western Balkans where the production centres of these desirable goods were located. Analysed was the material from the necropolises in Montenegro: the necropolises from the zone of Lake Skodra on the south and the contemporary necropolises in the northern region (the Lim and Tara basins). Specificities in the jewellery and elements of attire revealed in funerary contexts are approached as indicators of activities of local centres of manufacture.

Abstract This paper discusses a hitherto neglected detail of the Marmor Parium (3rd century BC), which offers the epithets ‘the Elder’ (ὁ πρότερος) and ‘the Younger’ (ὁ δεύτερος) for certain Athenian archons. Even though the meaning of these terms is entirely clear from a philological point of view, differentiating homonymous archons remains a singular feature of the Marmor Parium. This highly unusual convention is examined against the background of eponymous dating in general, the Athenian archon list, ancient Greek name-giving practices and name doublets. A variety of ancient sources are scrutinised to this aim, relying upon ancient Greek historiography in general, particularly the genre of chronography, but also the inscriptional record and amphora stamps. The origin of differentiating homonymous archons is tentatively ascribed to an unknown Athenian source of the late 5th/early 4th century BC, where demotics were regularly applied to provide further information on the archons’ names.

The publication continues the analysis of finds from the 3rd century BC — 1st/2nd centuries from the studied sites of the Dnieper Left Bank, previously dated to the early Middle Ages. The plaque from the Vovki settlement (excavations by E. A. Goryunov) is interpreted as a phalera of a horse bridle from the Sarmatian period. Analogies are known in the Balakleya set of horsemen’s equipment, which belongs to the “strange complexes”, as well as in Sarmatian burials. The location and circumstances of the find from Vovki are reliable, unlike most artifacts that have become known in recent years. The phalera from Vovki is located outside the main areas of “strange complexes” and the group of Sarmatian-Zarubintsy cremations (according to M. B. Shchukin), as well as the inhumations of Posulye with Zarubintsy and late Scythian grave goods. Also, the place where this artifact was found is far from the Posulye and Bititsky (on the Psel) late Scythian forts (on average, the distance is about 100 km), and from the Kotelevsky fort on the Vorskla — up to 40 km. The closest of the “strange complexes” is Balakleya, located 200 km away. The Vovki settlement is located in the area of Sarmatian burials of the 1st century BC — 1st/2nd centuries AD. Finds from the 2nd—1st centuries BC do not belong to the late Zarubintsy horizon of the site; for that time, they are presumably interpreted as traces of a nomadic camp.

ABSTRACT This study investigates garnets in Hellenistic and Roman jewellery from the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki (AMTh), Greece, using advanced non‐destructive analytical techniques. A total of 25 garnet samples, most of them from the region of Thessaloniki and ancient Pydna (modern Alykes Kitrous and Makrygialos), dating between the 3rd century BC and the 3rd/4th centuries AD , were analyzed using a mobile Raman spectrometer and micro‐Energy Dispersive X‐ray Fluorescence (micro‐EDXRF). The studied garnets are classified into three main groups: Cr‐poor pyrope (Cluster D), Intermediate pyrope–almandine (Cluster H), and Ca‐rich almandine (Cluster F). While Cluster D and Cluster F garnets are observed in both Pydna and Thessaloniki areas, Cluster H garnets, associated with sources in Sri Lanka, were identified exclusively in garnets from Thessaloniki, which might indicate differences in trading routes between Pydna and Thessaloniki cities. These findings provide valuable insights into the origin and cultural significance of garnets in antiquity, demonstrating the role of the ancient kingdom of Macedonia as a key centre in the Hellenistic and Roman gemstone market.

We describe artifacts found in cremation burials at Ust-Zelinda-2 in the Northern Angara region. Such sites have been traditionally attributed to the Early Iron Age, specifically to the second stage of the Tsepan culture (8th–2nd centuries BC), first described by V.I. Privalikhin. Six cremation burials were found at the cemetery. We focus on the most informative burial 16, while other burials are described in brief. The bodies were cremated outside the graves; most artifacts also reveal traces of fire. Cremated remains are those of adults. Accompanying finds are rather abundant, including stone, bone, and bronze arrowheads, horn sockets for attaching them, horn overlays for bows, and bronze ornaments. A specific type of butterfly-shaped belt plaques was common in Scythian-type cultures of northeastern Eurasia from Ordos to the Upper Ob region. Those from Ust-Zelinda-2 are the most numerous in the Angara area and the taiga zone from the Tomsk stretch of the Ob to the Upper Lena. Bronze butterfly-shaped belt plaques used in eastern North Eurasia were examined. On the Angara, they appeared in the 5th century BC and continued to be in use until the 3rd century BC, i.e., longer than on the Upper Ob or in Tuva. The attribution of culture that existed in the Northern Angara region is an open question.

The article presents updated characteristics of the Gamayun (10th —4th centuries BC) and indigenous Itkul’ (7th —3rd/2nd centuries BC) cultures of the Early Iron Age in the Trans-Urals mountain-forest area that came from the north. The heterogeneous Iset’ culture (circa 9th—4th centuries BC) is identified and characterized, which arose here in the process of interaction between alien hunters and fishermen from the taiga Ob’ River basin and communities of the Late Bronze Age of the Barkhatovo culture from the Lower Tobol River region with a complex (mainly cattle-breeding) economy (12th/11th —9th/8th centuries BC), who moved west in search of copper deposits. Previously, Iset’ materials were considered within the framework of the Itkul’ culture. The latter was formed by clans of metallurgists who emerged from the later Mezhovka cattle-breeding groups and became the basis for the formation of the Trans-Ural center of non-ferrous metallurgy in 8th/7th —3rd centuries BC. Its appearance was determined not so much by the internal needs of the Trans-Ural societies as by the urgent need for non-ferrous metal of the surrounding tribes, primarily the forest Cis-Ural Ananyino and steppe Sauromatian-Sarmatian tribes. Itkul’ metallurgists, who lived in well-fortified centers on mountains, hills, rocky capes, and high edges of terraces, produced copper products mainly according to imported samples, but in most cases did not have direct contact with the consumers of their products. Groups of representatives of the Iset’ culture acted as intermediaries in trade operations with copper. Their ceramics, unlike Itkul’, were widespread in small quantities in settlements of different cultures — from the Kama River in the west to Baraba and Upper Ob’ river in the east. Population of the Lower Tobol River region in 9th —6th centuries BC with a complex economy (cattle breeding, fishing, hunting), erroneously interpreted as an “eastern version of the Itkul’ culture”, was, in fact, an independent formation — the Yurtobor culture. It arose based on local communities of the Barkhatovo culture with the participation of people from the mountain-forest Trans-Urals (Gamayun and Iset’ groups), as well as from the taiga and forest-steppe regions of Western Siberia (bearers of the Suzgun, Beloyar, Kul’ma, Zhuravlevo, Baitovo, and other cultures).

The assemblage of artifacts from the settlement and burials at the archaeological site of Turgen-II, located in the upper reaches of the eponymous gorge, includes both decorative and utility items made from iron, bone, and stone. The Early Saka period (8th–6th centuries BC) is represented by a bone comb, a bronze mirror plaque, and a bell. Artifacts from the Late Saka period (5th–3rd centuries BC) are generally utilitarian and made of iron. The funerary inventory from the Wusun period (3rd–1st centuries BC) includes stone, bone, and bronze ornaments as well as tools. A number of finds – including an arrowhead, an iron buckle, bronze bridle plaque, a bronze strap-fitting, and stirrups – are typologically attributed to the medieval period (no earlier than the 9th–14th centuries AD) and appear to have entered the archaeological context secondarily. The comparison of the core assemblage with radiocarbon data and technological features allows for tracing changes in the structure of the site throughout its different phases of use. Decorative elements on select artifacts reflect regional artistic traditions and provide evidence of cultural contacts with other regions of Central Asia.

Lamellar protective headpieces for horses from the Kuban region and the Central Ciscaucasia are divided into two types. The article analyses the Maeotian complexes, for which the period of use of headpieces is determined within the middle to the second half of the 4th — the first half of the 3rd century BC. Headpieces of both types are accompanied by finds of bridles with cross-shaped cheek-pieces of variant B, the chronology of which is based on the dating of amphorae containers. In the sites of the Central Ciscaucasia, protective headpieces are found in clusters in crypts and sanctuaries looted in antiquity, which functioned extensively from the 4th to the 2nd century BC. This material does not provide grounds for extending the period of existence of such headpieces, but may indicate their secondary use as offerings.

Abstract This paper offers an analysis of the spurious dialogue Eryxias in light of the recent edition by M. Donato (Academia Verlag, Baden-Baden 2023), situating it within the broader context of ancient philosophical reflection on οἰκονομία between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. After a brief reconstruction of Donato’s main theses, the analysis focuses on several key theoretical issues, such as: the absence of explicit references to the relationship between οἶκος and πόλις – which is a peculiarity compared to earlier economic treatises, the connection between σοφία and external goods as it was developed in the early Academy, and the definitions of πλοῦτος and its proper use, including comparisons with the Epicurean perspective on economy. The paper aims to reassess the Eryxias as an original voice within ancient economic thought, capable of reflecting both the internal tensions of the Hellenistic Platonic Academy and its engagement with contemporary philosophical debates concerning the nature, value, and use of wealth in relation to εὐδαιμονία.