Abstract This paper analyses the adoption of data‐driven campaigning (DDC) by German and French parties in recent national elections using data from an original post‐election survey of 27 parties (12 German, 15 French) and a new purpose‐built DDC campaign index. Specifically, we investigate two main research questions: (1) Do countries and parties vary in the extent to which DDC is practised? (2) If so, what explains those differences? We find that while in both countries DDC adoption is limited in comparison to other campaign modes, differences exist across countries and parties based on a range of macro (systemic) and meso (organisation‐level) factors. Most notably, contrary to normalisation theory, we find that minor parties with a ‘netroots’ base and newcomers who are digital ‘natives’ engage more in DDC than the ‘legacy’ major parties.

Abstract The study examines the potential role of ChatGPT as a tool for popular voting. It assesses ChatGPT's positions on four voting objects (three initiatives and one referendum) by simulating various Swiss voter profiles (neutral, centrist, left, right, progressist, and conservative) and comparing these to its default stance. Additionally, ChatGPT's responses to arguments for and against each object were analyzed for consistency with its voting patterns. The study compared ChatGPT's decisions to real voting outcomes, fixing the temperature and collecting 100 answers per question to ensure reliability. Results showed that voting decisions varied by model version (GPT‐3.5 or GPT‐4) and language (French or German), indicating cultural and model iteration influences. ChatGPT's decisions did not consistently align with a left‐progressist stance, highlighting the impact of language, model versions, and contextual factors on political interpretations.

Abstract Party digitalisation has become an increasingly significant aspect of European parties' organisational work. The literature has explored the sources and effects of party digitalisation, but its influence on political processes remains understudied. This article fills this gap by investigating the contribution of party digitalisation to policy narratives on e‐voting. It focusses on the debates about the restoration of a dual voting method, combining paper ballots and machine voting, in Bulgaria in late 2022. In particular, it performs a narrative analysis on the policy narratives of the political parties represented in the Bulgarian parliament. This exemplary case demonstrates that the level of party digitalisation provides an important context for understanding the policy narratives of these parties. These findings have important implications for the study of party digitalisation. Future works may need to consider party digitalisation as part of political parties' public image.

Abstract This research bridges populism and populist social movement studies to address the question of how left‐ and right‐wing populists unite in a common social movement. Using the novel “à la carte” (ALC) embedding regression model, it analyzes a unique dataset of 5,342 protesters and supporters from the Yellow Vests movement in France, capturing their understandings of the People from responses to open‐ended questions. Findings reveal that while left‐ and right‐wing populists diverge in their understandings of the People, differences are not politically divisive and do not preclude common vocabularies allowing for identification with the movement. This study contributes to the literature by showcasing the innovative application of the embedding regression method to textual data collected during social movements. Whereas research on the subject is predominantly qualitative, this study employs quantitative techniques to demonstrate that identification with the People fosters a unified movement despite divergent political beliefs and contrasting social identity frames.

Abstract Links to specific ethnic groups constitute a defining feature of ethnic parties. Yet, whether and how references to ethnic identities appear in ethnic parties' political communication often remains unstudied despite the promise it carries. This paper investigates to what extent the electoral cycle and ethnic competition influence ethnic parties' usage of ethnic references on social media. Analyzing 1.3 million social media posts by 112 ethnic parties in 38 countries, we find that the number of ethnic references by a party increases as election day approaches. Moreover, a higher number of competing ethnic parties in elections is also associated with higher usage of ethnic references. This research contributes to our understanding of when and why parties address ethnicity on social media.

Abstract This paper contributes to the debate on the normative value(s) of deliberative mini publics (DMPs) in climate policy‐making. We discuss different conceptions of the objectives of DMPs, such as increasing democratic legitimacy, effectiveness, and social acceptance. Following, we critically assess the plausibility of each conception and argue why meaningful and independent participation is crucial for increasing democratic legitimacy. We also show that even if the instrumental perspective of climate policy effectiveness seems necessary against the background of the advancing climate crisis, it cannot be produced through deliberative formats without central democratic principles being ignored. Furthermore, we highlight that social acceptance as a primary objective is highly problematic because it threatens to lead to manipulation and sham participation.

Abstract The emergence of new digital tools has brought about a revolution in party organizations. However, the literature is still lacking comparative studies that utilize comprehensive theoretical frameworks and consider variations in the supply‐side of party digitalization. This paper addresses both shortcomings by turning the spotlight on party websites. By relying on data from the Political Party Database, we delve into the determinants of website functionalities across a spectrum of diverse political parties. Our findings underscore that parties with less centralized leadership and affiliated to the left of the ideological spectrum tend to display websites with a broader range of functions. Moreover, younger parties also tend to present more complex websites, although this effect is mitigated by their electoral strength. Notably, a common thread among most parties is the use of their websites for mobilizing human and financial resources, while interactive features remain less prevalent.

Abstract The association between LGB+ identity and political attitudes in Europe remains relatively underexplored, despite the growing visibility of LGB+ individuals in electoral politics. Existing research tends to focus on a limited range of political attitudes and seldom uses indicators that reflect LGB+ self‐identification. This research note presents new evidence based on original survey data ( N = 1,599) from Germany in 2021, which directly measures sexual identity and its association with political attitudes. It shows that self‐identifying as LGB+ (9.63 percent; N = 154) is associated with left‐liberal political attitudes, confirming previous findings from studies in the US and Western Europe. However, in contrast to those studies, LGB+ individuals in Germany do not exhibit more liberal views on migration or greater solidarity with EU member states in financial need. These findings suggest that LGB+ individuals are not always more liberal than heterosexuals.