ABSTRACT An important influence on the historical evolution of Australia’s conservation movement was cinema. Documentary films about travel, commonly known as “travelogues”, were often used to promote nature-based tourism and recreation. They had particular salience in Tasmania, where the government sought to use the island’s natural heritage to define the state’s identity, establishing a specialist film unit for this purpose. Three distinct narratives about nature and its conservation were developed in these Tasmanian travelogues from the 1920s to the 1970s, with the government increasingly interested in promoting the idea that extractive industries such as forestry and hydropower could be compatible with or improve the aesthetic and recreational appeal of wild nature. Thus, while nature travelogues could assist conservationism, including to facilitate the establishment of national parks, they also unleashed ideas that posed a risk to that agenda.

ABSTRACT In June 2015, the BBC historical series Banished arrived on Australian television screens amid major controversy. Written by the celebrated British screenwriter Jimmy McGovern, Banished dramatised life in the British penal colony at Sydney Cove in 1788. When the series first premiered in Britain, it developed a strong following among British viewers despite mixed reviews from critics. In Australia, however, local criticism of the series began before it had even aired on the cable TV network Foxtel, and this criticism—from critics and audiences alike—far outweighed viewer interest. In this article, we look closely at the distinct ways that Banished appeared on British and Australian screens at the time of its release. We are particularly interested in the way that what had seemed to McGovern, his filmmakers and British audiences to be a fresh and revealing story of British colonisation quickly became a deeply problematic story of erasure and concealment when it landed in Australia. These very different viewings of Banished in Britain and Australia offer an intriguing insight into the contrasting understandings of the history of British settler colonialism in the former metropole and colony in 2015.

ABSTRACT The 2014 publication of Yuin historian Bruce Pascoe’s Dark Emu signalled a shift in Australian agricultural discourse and practice. Prior to its publication, little attention was given to the intersection between food practices and (de)colonisation. Over the past decade, small-scale alternative food movements as well as large-scale export-oriented producers have responded unevenly to Pascoe’s provocation. While the former sought to develop a decolonial approach in response to a growing awareness of settler complicity in colonial food systems, the latter, represented by government agencies and peak organisations, adopted a milder reconciliatory turn of Indigenous–settler relations within conventional agriculture. This article argues that Dark Emu presents a pivotal moment and rupture in Australia’s agricultural practices and food discourses. We examine the sociopolitical conditions surrounding Dark Emu and ask how its publication produced an urgency towards decolonial thinking across alternative food actors, and reconciliatory thinking in agriculture more broadly. We conceptualise the “Pascoe Moment” as a set of contingent conditions around Dark Emu that activated an urgent need to reassemble food systems in response to the (de)colonial question of agriculture. In doing so, this article untangles how agricultural actors differently engage in decolonial questions.

ABSTRACT As a result of exposure to a classical education or to the histories permeating the popular culture of the British Empire, many Australian soldiers who went overseas during World War I were receptive to encounters with the past. There are examples of soldiers practising amateur archaeology and souveniring artefacts. The officially sanctioned excavation and appropriation of the Shellal Mosaic is the most well known, but there were many small-scale instances of similar activity. This article assesses the evidence for Australian encounters with Roman antiquities at Brightlingsea, Essex. Notwithstanding the limitations of this evidence and the scope for further research, we argue that the likelihood is that Australians did unearth and souvenir Roman artefacts at Brightlingsea. Like similar incidents from other theatres of the war, many of which were also poorly documented, it helps to illustrate the way in which engagement with the material culture of the past was a significant aspect of Australians’ wartime experience.

ABSTRACT Medicare is widely recognised as one of Australia’s most trusted and enduring public sector brands, often described as “iconic” in political discourse and consistently ranked highly in measures of public trust. Less understood, however, are the symbolic strategies and cultural rituals that have helped consolidate Medicare’s position in the Australian imagination. Drawing on advertising campaigns, archival records, news media and political commentary, this article examines how Medicare has achieved a level of cultural importance uncommon among Australian public-sector brands. Using the brand’s launch campaign in the 1980s as a foundation, the article explores how visual strategies—including the use of green and gold, the design of branded offices and the Medicare card—aligned Medicare with middle-class aspiration and the broader discourse of new nationalism. Through narrative analysis, the article also considers how everyday rituals, such as queuing for rebates, contributed to affective experiences that embedded the brand within cultural memory. By situating Medicare within a longer process of meaning making, the article highlights how its brand has been shaped through symbolic practices that continue to inform public understanding despite changes in its institutional function.

ABSTRACT This article explores the politics that drove the interplay between the Whitlam government's 1973 Community Health Program (CHP) and the Hawke government's 1984 Medicare program. We draw on research which examines the history and development of the CHP through archival and oral history research. The CHP instituted a funding program for multidisciplinary, locally based health care with no costs to users. The program included one-on-one care services, self-help and therapy groups, and community-development and social-action activities, and was community managed in South Australia and Victoria. The federal CHP grants ended in 1981 but left a significant legacy. We examine the counterfactual question of how the health system might have developed had the Hawke government revived the CHP to expand multidisciplinary primary health care at the same time as implementing Medicare for hospitals and medical care. We note that commitment to accessibility, equity, patient-centred care, multidisciplinary work practices, attention to the social determinants of health, and participatory planning have all influenced mainstream health services. We conclude that a revived CHP has much to offer an Australian health system struggling with an epidemic of chronic disease and increasing health inequities.

ABSTRACT The Hawke and Keating Labor governments (1983–1996) embedded the principle that basic health care was the right of every Australian. Universal equal access and simplicity of design helped to build the popularity of Medicare despite continued opposition from the Coalition and large sections of the medical profession. The lack of serious external challenges did not mean Medicare had a free ride. This article explores the challenges from within government, especially around budgetary control and growing problems of system design. The salience of Medicare to Labor’s political fortunes enabled it to survive periodic raids by the Department of Finance and the Treasury. More serious challenges appeared over the size and quality of the primary care workforce. Adapting health care to the more fundamental problems of a growing burden of chronic illness raised larger political and policy issues. A National Health Strategy review, launched by health minister Brian Howe (1990–1992), proposed reforms founded on new models of care integration and strengthening primary care, moving away from individualised fee-for-service towards preventive and population health approaches. These reform attempts fell far short of rebuilding Medicare, but the problems they identified—and barriers that blocked successful implementation—shaped health policy for several decades.

ABSTRACT There are four organised national screening programs in Australia today for breast, bowel, cervical and lung cancers. These have been enabled by Medicare, which pays for key services delivered by health practitioners and pathologists. This article focuses on the critical role of Medicare in the development of the National Cervical Screening Program, the first nationalised screening program of its kind. We examine the seven years between Medicare’s introduction in 1984 and the launch of the program in 1991, during which cost overruns led to government evaluations, policy refinement and advocacy for a solution that could be found in tying Medicare rebates to a standardised national public health scheme that made cervical screening available to all eligible Australians. We place this period in the longer history of cervical screening and explore how the lessons from developing the cervical screening program shaped the other three Australian cancer screening programs. The challenge of health equity remains due to the legacies of colonialism, discrimination and economic deprivation. Priority populations such as culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD), LGBTQIA + and First Nations communities continue to suffer poorer health, which is compounded by greater difficulty accessing screening. We conclude by discussing potential pathways to address these inequities.

ABSTRACT As evidenced by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s repeated brandishing of his green-and-gold plastic card during the 2025 election campaign, Medicare is a beloved Australian institution. But this was not always the case. When the Hawke Labor government introduced Medicare on 1 February 1984, it expected that the universal health scheme’s popularity would help it win re-election later that year. Yet teething problems with the scheme’s introduction, opposition by the medical profession, and its failure to live up to the government’s promise that most Australians would be financially better off meant that Medicare was not the vote winner Labor had anticipated. Following widespread dissatisfaction with the scheme, particularly with hospital waiting lists, Labor expected that Medicare would lose it votes in the 1987 election. But expectations were again confounded when the public’s concern that the Liberal opposition intended to make major cuts to the health budget saw voters turn back to Medicare. Arguing that Medicare is both a cultural phenomenon and a healthcare system, this article uses qualitative analysis of market research, Hansard records and newspaper reportage to explain how a healthcare system about which Australians felt ambivalent in 1984 has become one of the nation’s most valued institutions four decades later.