The article aims to analyze the main factors of corruption in Bangladesh for the time period 2009-2024. It emphasizes the political, institutional, and economic forces behind this significant challenge in Bangladesh. Corruption disrupts the good governance, economy, institutions, and creates mistrust in government. Over the last 15 years (2009-2024), about £180 billion was laundered to foreign countries from Bangladesh due to the pervasive corruption among politicians, bureaucrats, and businesses. Since 2009, major infrastructure projects and the stock exchange have faced significant financial challenges. Public dissatisfaction arising from unemployment, economic instability, and government corruption has affected virtually all sectors of the economy. The conflict between corruption and governance has significantly weakened our institutions, leading to political instability and impeding socio-economic progress. This study also examines the relationship between corruption and governance in the last fifteen Years (2009-2024). This study adopts a qualitative research design. It uses a desk-based analysis of secondary data. Sources include government reports, audit documents, policy papers, court verdicts, and reports from international organizations. The paper critically evaluates the limitations and successes of governance initiatives. It also offers policy recommendations to increase institutional accountability, improve regulatory frameworks, and enhance citizen participation. The results indicate that combating corruption and achieving sustained improvements in governance requires political will, structural reforms, and active public engagement. The study also makes suggestions for policies that might improve governance and appeals for long-term political will and structural changes.

This study analyzes the role of political oppression and inequality under the Sheikh ‎Hasina regime from 2009 onwards in triggering the July Revolution. Using Preference ‎Falsification as the theoretical framework, the research examines historical events, ‎government policies, political developments, and social movements to identify the ‎underlying causes of the uprising. The findings indicate that long-term suppression of ‎democratic rights, political repression, socio-political insecurity, inequality, and the ‎discriminatory quota system created conditions favorable for mass mobilization. The ‎government’s failure to address public grievances and its increasing authoritarianism ‎ultimately led to the uprising. Despite state repression, the uprising succeeded in ‎overthrowing the government, ending the Hasina regime. These results provide a detailed ‎account of the structural and political conditions that triggered the July Revolution, ‎enriching the understanding of authoritarian collapse and civic mobilization in Bangladesh.‎

In the ongoing process of regional and international integration, special administrative and economic units are considered strategic instruments to optimize national resource utilization and accelerate socio-economic development. The 2013 Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam formally introduced the concept of "special administrative-economic units" in its administrative framework under Article 110. However, due to their exceptional nature, such units have not yet been implemented in practice. This delay stems from both internal challenges, particularly limitations in governance mechanisms, and external concerns, notably those relating to national political and economic security. This study applies a qualitative doctrinal and comparative legal method focusing on the 2013 Constitution of Vietnam and China’s SEZ model. From the experience of the People's Republic of China, a country that pioneered and diversified its system of special economic zones while maintaining centralized oversight to safeguard national sovereignty, this paper critically examines Vietnam's constitutional and legal framework concerning special administrative-economic units. The analysis underscores the necessity of establishing a legal mechanism that balances economic openness with the imperative of sovereign integrity, and proposes key recommendations aimed at refining Vietnam’s legal and institutional approach to these units, ensuring their alignment with national interests while promoting sustainable economic development and safeguarding territorial sovereignty throughout their establishment and operation.

This study investigates the emerging role of Generation Z in influencing Bangladesh's foreign policy formulation, particularly concerning relations with India, Pakistan, and the United States. Following the significant political transformation of August 5, 2024, when student-led movements successfully ousted the previous government, this research examines how digital-native youth are reshaping traditional diplomatic narratives. Employing a mixed-methods approach, this study collected quantitative data from 72 university students and qualitative insights from 2 foreign policy experts to understand generational perspectives on Bangladesh's international relations. Using the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) as a theoretical foundation, this research analyses how Generation Z constructs and disseminates foreign policy narratives through digital platforms. The findings reveal that Generation Z demonstrates heightened political awareness and advocates for sovereignty-centred, people-to-people diplomatic approaches that prioritize economic cooperation over historical antagonisms, particularly with Pakistan, while seeking balanced engagement with India and strategic partnership with the USA. This generational shift suggests a fundamental recalibration of Bangladesh's geopolitical orientation, moving from historically driven foreign policy to pragmatic, economically focused international relations.

This study examines how two ideologically different Bangladeshi newspapers covered the 2021 ‎Comilla communal violence, which erupted after a Quran was allegedly placed at a temporary ‎Hindu Temple during Durga Puja festivities. We conducted a mixed-method content analysis ‎of 260 news articles from Daily Prothom Alo (progressive n=154) and Daily Nayadiganta ‎‎(religiously aligned n=106) published during the 15 days period following the incident. ‎Quantitative analysis coverage frequency, placement, and sources using t-test, while qualitative ‎thematic analysis identified editorial preferences and strategies. Although Daily Prothom Alo ‎published more articles (M=28.8) than Daily Nayadiganta (M=18.1), the different was not ‎statistically significant (p=0.176). However, qualitative analysis revealed distinct editorial ‎strategies. Prothom Alo distributed coverage across pages, employed diverse formats, and ‎highlighted victim experiences while demanding accountability. Daily Nayadiganta concentrated ‎coverage on front and back pages, emphasizing Islamic discourse. Both newspapers ‎demonstrated critical shortcomings: over-reliance on political and police sources, ‎marginalization of victim voices, and absence of investigative reporting. Neither examined ‎underlying causes of the incident, instead focused on daily events and political finger-pointing. ‎These findings suggests that inadequate source diversity and weak investigative journalism ‎limits media’s ability to contextualize religious tensions, potentially perpetuating rather than ‎resolving conflicts. Bangladeshi media requires stronger investigative capacity, particularly ‎among rural reporters for on investigative reporting, deliberate inclusion of minority voices, and ‎examining structural factors driving communal violence to effectively promote informed public ‎discourse and social cohesion.‎