Abstract This article builds upon recent scholarship by investigating Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis as a product of the literary and pedagogical dynamics of the Second Sophistic. Rather than merely mimicking Greco-Roman miscellanists, Clement repurposes the miscellany as a Christian strategy for negotiating the boundaries of genre, pedagogy, and textual transmission. Drawing on literary-theoretical insights from Bourdieu and Skinner, the study explores how Clement embeds divine knowledge within a polymathic textual body that simultaneously conceals and reveals. The Stromateis ’ literary form reflects a commitment to preserving sacred truths and cultivating attentive reading practices. In composing the work this way, Clement positions the written word as a medium capable of transmitting apostolic instruction without forfeiting its mystery. The Stromateis thus exemplifies early Christian literary innovation, challenging second-century norms of textuality and offering a new model of Christian authorship that merges concealment, revelation, and pedagogy within the sociocultural matrix of the Second Sophistic.

Abstract This article will question the common view according to which a shared albeit pluralistic doctrine of the descensus Christi can be found in early Christian literature. Attention will be drawn to the vast dissimilitude of the various references used to support such a view. The texts diverge not only in regard to the narrative themes featured but also concerning the pragmatics of the texts, the intention of the argument supported by reference to certain narrative components attributed to a descensus Christi . Such a view of the source material will be substantiated by closely examining three texts (Irenaeus’ Adversus Haereses , the Epistula Apostolorum and the Gospel of Peter ) often thought of as featuring a version of a descensus Christi and highlighting the various problems associated with such a reading.

Abstract This article offers the first in-depth study of the name Sophia in antiquity and contributes to debates about the utility of onomastics for the study of Christianization. After the name Maria, Sophia became the second most popular female name representing 4.4% of women in 7th-century Egypt. Unique among Christian names etymologically rooted in a virtue, we argue Sophia should further be understood as a theophoric name. We describe a set of cyclical factors surrounding the idea of hagia sophia constituting the “wisdom feedback loop.” Christological controversy generated political turmoil, and a significant point of difficulty was Christ’s eternal sophia (1 Corinthians 1:24) and progression in sophia (Luke 2:52). Amidst on-going controversy, a politically attentive population was encouraged to self-represent as intellectually conscientious, making Sophia an appealing choice for families, adding more attention to Christ’s mysterious sophia , contributing to further controversy, causing renewed demand for sophia within society.

Abstract In Letter 4, Salvian wishes to reconnect with his in-laws, who have not accepted his conversiuncula , an ascetic turn characterized in particular by total continence. The extremely elaborate writing of the letter is marked by the strong imprint of rhetoric. However, this does not call into question the sincerity of the feeling. Salvian experiences rhetoric as a discursive mediation allowing the constructed analysis of the personal crisis he is facing and conditioning the formal modalities of the response he intends to provide in an attempt to resolve it. Rhetoric, however, is not an end in itself. There is a concrete goal here. The end sought by Salvian is love—love of his family and love of God.

Abstract The processes shaping the beliefs and ideologies of Galilean inhabitants during Late Antiquity include elements of rewriting traditions and appropriating myths as part of the Jewish-Christian polemical battle. In this article, I start by examining a Christian tradition from Late Antiquity that reconstructs episodes and images from the evangelical narrative, particularly the Passion of Jesus. Significantly, the tradition relocates the narrative from Jerusalem to its Jewish successor in Late Antiquity – Tiberias – the seat of Jewish leadership in the Galilee. This tradition emphasizes the power of icons and their ability to triumph over the Jews and thwart their schemes, in the very heart of their community and in their capital. Using this Christian tradition as a point of departure, I will outline several additional themes, which have parallels in Christian and Jewish literature and then assess the contribution of these themes to better understanding the religious ideological struggle in the Galilee during Late Antiquity.

Abstract The present article examines a brief miraculous story concerning the life of Mani, the reputed founder of Manichaeism, and his encounter with a “whale” or “sea-monster” ( κῆτος ). The article proposes a new interpretation of the story, situating it within the structure of the homiletic text of which it is a part as well as the biographical traditions of Mani more generally. Furthermore, the article examines the broader cultural context of the story through its relations to ancient narratives concerning encounters between animals and sages. It argues that the closest parallels are to be found in Buddhist avadāna traditions, and that there are good reasons to think that the Manichaean story represents a variation of these tales. It thereby provides striking evidence for the early Manichaean community’s engagement with Buddhist literary traditions and signals the need to revisit the relationship between Manichaeism and India.

Abstract Gregory of Tours begins De cursu stellarum ratio with a list of the Seven Wonders of the World, contrasting their impermanence with the natural wonders of God’s creation. Gregory’s list of the Seven Wonders is innovative, because it includes the Temple of Solomon, an idea that he got from a poem by Sidonius Apollinaris. The Seven Wonders, known in classical literature since the 2nd century BC, represent great feats of human ingenuity; Gregory’s inclusion of the Temple of Solomon demonstrates that it was even more splendid than pagan Wonders. However, some classical authors had used the Wonders to emphasize the ephemerality of man-made structures, and ascetic Christian authors argued the same thing about the Temple of Jerusalem. Gregory’s inclusion of the Temple of Solomon fuses these traditions, producing a powerful Christian statement both about the splendid Temple commanded by God, and about the ultimate ephemerality of human-made splendor.