Introduction. The article presents the results of a demographic analysis of medieval nomads of the Volga-Don region, which are brought into scientific discourse for the first time. Material and methods. The research material was four cultural-chronological series: early Turkic, Khazar, pre-Golden Horde, and Golden Horde times. The first two groups were formed from anthropological materials of separate burial grounds; their numbers were 59 and 154. The other two groups were obtained as a result of excavations of individual burial grounds: the nomadic burial ground of Sarkel-Belaya Vezha (46 skeletons) and the burial ground of Bakhtiyarovka (121 skeletons). The age and sex structure and demographic indicators were determined based on mortality tables. The calculation of paleodemographic parameters was performed using the computer program of D.V. Bogatenkov, PDemography 3R Acheron, built on the basis of MS Excel. Analysis and discussion. The results of the study demonstrated for all studied groups of medieval nomads violations from the normal distribution associated with the deformation of the sexual structure towards the predominance of men over women and a significant reduction in children of all ages in burials under kurgans. Comparative analysis of demographic indicators such as the average age of survival of the adult population and the proportion of the cohort of young people (15–35 years old) and people over 50 years old demonstrated similarities both among themselves and with the urban Golden Horde series. Results. The violations of the age and sex structure of the medieval nomads revealed as a result of the study can be associated with their Turkic origin and nomadic way of economy, which involves the use, in addition to inhumations, of other types of burials (air, on-ground, etc.), which were noted by ethnographers and travelers among the Turkic nomads of the modern era of Siberia and Central Asia.

Introduction. The article reveals the axiological foundations of the functioning of the family institution in the context of global transformations of society and the state and presents the vectors of rethinking family values, the reproduction of which allows interpreting the diversity of practices of electoral behavior of Russian citizens. Attention is focused on the qualitative characteristics of the electoral sovereignty of voters. Methods and materials. The authors use various methodological approaches to interpreting the nature of values (E. Durkheim), as well as the diversity of values through the prism of, on the one hand, the functional target setting of the activities of social institutions (M. Weber, D.A. Leontiev), and, on the other hand, as a socio-political construct (G.H. Mead). When characterizing the Russian family and its potential in the process of political socialization/resocialization of members belonging to different generations, the ideas expressed in the works of domestic and foreign scientists are used, in particular A. Giddens, A.I. Antonov, and E.B. Shestopal. Conceptual approaches to understanding the specifics of the modern electoral process and the electoral sovereignty of voters (I.B. Borisov, R.V. Evstifeev) form the basis of the authors’ interpretation of the character and methods of inclusion of members of domestic families in civic and political activity, including participation in elections. Analysis and results. The study interpreted the dominant factors and vectors that determine the character of the transformation of the value status of the family institution, as well as the dynamics of the reproduction of family value orientations in the context of the diversity of forms and principles of civil and political activity of the population. The basic characteristics of the electoral sovereignty of Russian voters are identified and analyzed. Authors’ contribution. S.A. Pankratov developed the theoretical and methodological basis of the study. S.I. Morozov analyzed the mechanisms and forms of influence of the institution of family and its values on the formation and reproduction of the electoral sovereignty of the population in the Russian Federation.

Introduction. The article discusses the practical interaction of local party and Soviet bodies and the urban and rural population of the Stavropol Territory in providing comprehensive assistance to citizens evacuated in 1941–1942 from the front-line western regions of the USSR to the territory of the region. The scientific study of this problem is an important part of the study of the functioning of the Soviet rear and its contribution to achieving victory over Nazi Germany during the Great Patriotic War. Methods and materials. In the course of the study, the authors actively used the historical-typological, problem-chronological, and historical-comparative methods. This article is based on the sources published in recent decades in collections of documents on this problem. Analysis. The reception of the first batches of the evacuated population began in the Stavropol Territory a few weeks after the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, i.e., in the summer of 1941. The regional authorities, by a number of their decisions, determined in advance in all cities and rural areas places for the accommodation and subsequent residence of arriving refugees. At the same time, as evidenced by documentary materials, responsible persons from among the party and Soviet workers were clearly and timely appointed, and premises, canteens, and medical centers were determined. The local population was called upon to provide all possible assistance in accommodating arriving citizens in their living space, which found a positive response from the urban and rural population of the Stavropol Territory. As quickly as possible, the authorities resolved many issues related to the stay of refugees in the region, including their employment and provision with money, hygiene items, clothing, and footwear. Equally attentive local authorities responded to the complaints of evacuated citizens, trying to eliminate the identified shortcomings in a short time. Results. In the course of the work, the author came to the conclusion that the close cooperation of local authorities and the population of the Stavropol Territory in providing comprehensive assistance to refugees has yielded a positive result. The evacuated citizens who arrived in the territory of the region in 1941–1942 were generally provided with the necessary list of material and household services, which made it possible to survive the harsh hardships of wartime in the places of their new settlement.

Introduction. The fate of Stalingrad’s civilian population in the summer and fall of 1942 is an exceptionally important and complex historical problem. Methods and materials. In the process of working with the documents of the Stalingrad City Defense Committee, we used the approaches of critical theory. In this respect, criticism and a reflexive attitude allow us to get away from a stereotypical and simplified consideration of the situation in the Stalingrad administration system in July–September 1942. Critical theory approaches allow us to raise the question of real and declared authority in the city. They allow us to get out from under the pressure of the authority of A.S. Chuyanov, whom the future victory in the Battle of Stalingrad made practically unattainable for critical consideration. All this allows us to assess the activities of the Stalingrad City Defense Committee in a non-biased manner and without the usual defaults. The materials of the article are the documents of the Stalingrad City Defence Committee and the documents of the Stalingrad Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, as they are presented in the fonds of the Centre for Documentation of Modern History of the Volgograd Region, the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, the Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of the Volgograd Region, the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, the Archive of the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the State Archive of the Volgograd Region. At the same time, the resolutions are analyzed with the involvement of memoir literature, which adds subjective nuances. Analysis. It is important to understand that the fate of the civilian population of Stalingrad was literally determined by the Stalingrad City Defense Committee and personally by its head, the 1st Secretary of the Stalingrad Regional and City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party, A.S. Chuyanov, who, in turn, found himself in a complex context of very difficult relations with the command of the Stalingrad and Southeastern Fronts, the directors of large Stalingrad factories, and the political leadership of the country (including I.V. Stalin personally). At the same time, the powers of A.S. Chuyanov, who was the head of the Stalingrad City Defense Committee, as an extraordinary unconstitutional authority, were not clearly formulated and spelled out. Results. In our opinion, A.S. Chuyanov, due to his lack of management experience, was unable to fully implement important decisions concerning the organization of the city’s defense and, most importantly, to resolve the issue of the evacuation of the civilian population of Stalingrad.

Introduction. Senegal’s active role on the African political scene and its participation in interstate associations point to the country’s use of foreign policy tools to assert its sovereign policy, which was questioned even after the region’s decolonization. Methods and materials. The author compares the rhetoric of key political actors in Senegal and the tone of publications in the African and European press to assess the opportunities opening up in the transformation of the country’s foreign policy. Publications and reports in various media, including Russian, French, and Senegalese, and statistical materials reflecting the development of international cooperation, as well as statements by the heads of Senegal, became the source base for the study. The paper uses the method of content analysis to assess the attitude of representatives of the Government of Senegal to foreign policy partners and event analysis, which helped determine the qualitative content of initiatives through their implementation in specific programs. Analysis. The article reveals the political climate of Senegal, which influences the development of this country’s international relations and determines its relations with the Russian Federation. The specifics of the coming to power of the current President, B.D. Faye (2024–2029), and his stated policy of upholding the country’s sovereignty reflect a significant transformation in its relations with the former metropolis of France. The focus is on building a multi-vector foreign policy for the country, which creates conditions for Russia for special opportunities and risks. Results. Dakar’s desire to diversify its political and economic ties, reduce its dependence on Paris, and build more pragmatic relations with the former metropolis is obvious. Russia is perceived as a promising partner, with a warm attitude towards its culture and history. The solid foundation of the established contacts was laid during the work of the previous president, M. Sall (2012–2024). However, it would be rash to ignore the continuing influence of France and the role of French business. In addition, Russia is forced to act on the African track in conditions of high interest in the African continent from other states.

Introduction. The influence of the Chinese Eastern Railway on the development of the northeastern provinces of China, including the development of education, science, and periodicals in Heilongjiang Province, was enormous. The great scientific heritage of Russian periodicals in China has been preserved in a small volume in Harbin. Created by Russian emigrants, Harbin Russian periodicals made a great contribution to the establishment of good-neighbourly and cultural relations between Russia and China. Methods and materials. In the article, the authors use the comparative-historical method of research as one of the main research methods in historical science. The authors identify the general patterns of the presentation of periodicals in the museums of Harbin. Analysis. A vivid illustration of the vision of the development of printed publications in Harbin is the Museum of Impressions of the Chinese Eastern Railway in Harbin. The museum has preserved a large amount of information about the Russian periodicals in Harbin at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The article analyses historical information from museum stands and analyses the degree of its representation in the museums of Harbin. Results. Having analysed the information on the museum stands, the authors came to the conclusion that in both museums information about periodicals is given selectively. Of the 42 publications mentioned in the list of the Nangang District Library as Russian-language periodicals of Harbin, 10 publications are mentioned on the stands of the Museum of Impressions of the Chinese Eastern Railway, 16 publications are mentioned on the stands of the Harbin City Museum, and different publications are mentioned in the museums; that is, in one museum the publications presented in another museum are partially not mentioned. Authors' contribution. A.N. Steblyanskaya – conceptualisation and article text; M.P. Vasiev – data collection in museums, article proofreading.

Introduction. This article examines the international political activities of megacities as an object of political urban studies and a source of significant resources for achieving urban policy goals. Political urban studies is an emerging and developing subdiscipline of political science, and the international political activities of megacities are a highly specific political process, carried out outside the standard administrative-hierarchical structure of “municipality-region-state,” which determines the relevance of this study. Methods and materials. The methodological basis of the article consists of a systemic, structural-functional analysis and an inductive method. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is represented by approaches to the concepts of neoliberalism and transregionalism. The source base of the article includes modern works of Russian and foreign urbanists, sociologists, and political scientists, and statistical data from official information resources of municipalities. Analysis. This article examines several areas of megacities’ international political activity related to their involvement in transnational global networks, the paradiplomatic activities of large urban centers, and the formation and promotion of local identities. The capital city factor and the city-state phenomenon are significant factors in achieving megacity local policy goals. For the purposes of this study, the term “megacity” was defined through the prism of involvement in international political processes. Results. The study showed that the urban policy of a megacity, depending on the position of the official government leader, as well as the nature of the relationship between the center and sub-state territorial entities, may thus differ from the position of the central authorities. At the same time, megacities’ involvement in transnational global networks allows them to access significant financial and investment resources used in international activities. Megacities play a significant role in glocalization processes, forming and preserving local identities, which allows them to promote their image and increase the visibility of the relevant local territory globally. It was revealed that the capital factor and the city-state phenomenon allow the corresponding megacities to influence or determine state policy.

Introduction. The goal of the presented study is to reconstruct the image of the Russian Empire in the German liberal press of the early 1880s. Findings will lead to a better understanding of the driving forces behind the evolution of Russian-German relations during the last quarter of the 19th century. Methods and materials. The research is based on materials from the four most influential independent quality daily newspapers published in the German Empire from the beginning of 1880 to the middle of 1883; all of them were politically liberal. Chronologically the research covers key events related to the end of the reign of Alexander II and the beginning of the reign of Alexander III, which attracted the attention of the German press. The key research method is qualitative content analysis. Analysis and results. During the early 1880s the German press paid considerable attention to different events in Russia. The image of the Russian Empire was neither unambiguously positive nor unambiguously negative. Russia was recognized as a part of European civilization, sympathies for the Russian people were declared, “Great reforms” were welcomed, and Russian monarchs Alexander II and Alexander III were positively assessed. At the same time, the thesis of Russia’s backwardness invariably appeared, the situation inside the country was dubbed critical, and a sharply negative assessment was given to the Russian bureaucracy. Great importance was attached by the press to the activities of the pan-Slavists, who were presented as a powerful destructive force capable of imposing their will even on the emperors. The German liberal press of the early 1880s shaped the image of the Russian Empire in German society as an unstable neighbor and an unreliable and even dangerous partner. This had a strong impact on the perception of Russia in German public opinion and on the dynamics of bilateral relations.

Introduction. In this paper, evidence is presented about the relocation of certain citizens of oriental origin to the Municipium Dardanorum in Dardania. The territory of Dardania, which included today’s Kosovo and Metohija, belonged to Upper Moesia (86 CE). These territorial changes also caused ethnic changes in the south of Upper Moesia, about which we do not have enough information. The previous period was marked by events related to the military conquest of Dardania, while the upcoming period, from the second half of the 1st century CE, is typical of the penetration of Roman culture and civilization into the Balkans and work on the organization of administration in Upper Moesia. Methods and materials. The article focuses on the analysis of mainly epigraphic material: these are inscriptions on tombstones, altars, and temple slabs from the Roman era. Analysis and results. The political and economic occupation of these areas was carried out by organizing the administration, building roads, establishing colonies and municipia, settling the Italic population and veterans, and granting civil rights to individual members of the local population, as well as settling the population of eastern origin. It is believed that the local population was unable to meet the increased need for labor in the mines, or rather in the production of precious metals, so a number of new residents of oriental origin (Asia Minor region) were relocated (by imperial decree) in an organized manner to the Roman settlement near the present-day village of Soиanica (Municipium Dardanorum). The original data that is the basis of research on the population structure of the Roman provinces, and thus Upper Moesia, is almost exclusively based on the epigraphic texts. Epigraphic monuments mentioning persons of oriental origin, dated to the reigns of Antoninus (98–192 CE) and Severus (193–235 CE), are especially important. The names and naming formulas contained in the inscriptions allow us to draw conclusions about the regional and ethnic origin and legal and social status of individuals, as well as the degree of Romanization.

Introduction. This article is devoted to the study of separatism in contemporary political science, namely the application of a combination of mathematical models in the study of separatist processes in Europe. Modelling political processes is one of the relatively new and most relevant areas of scientific research today. Methods and materials. In this study, the proposed multi-model approach is based on elements of individual models: the Shapley–Shubik index, the Downs model and the median voter theorem, the Pуlya urn model, the principles of normal and power probability distribution, and Granovetter’s rebellion model. The cases of Corsica, the Basque Country, Scotland, and Northern Ireland were selected for analysis. The main theoretical premise of the study is that a multi-model approach minimises the shortcomings of using individual types of single mathematical models and has the potential to systematically illustrate phenomena of social reality. Analysis. This combination of models enables a number of analytical and predictive goals to be achieved in the study of separatism; in particular, it allows conclusions to be drawn about the possible strategy of governments towards “problematic” separatist regions (for example, the classic discussion among separatism researchers regarding decentralisation as a way to solve such problems), to analyse the political course and possible shift in the ideological values of separatist actors in the region, and to examine the characteristics of the involvement of the population of the regions in the processes within the regionalisation/centralisation dichotomy. Results. As a result, a conclusion is formulated about the epistemological significance of such a combination of models: the applied multimodel approach allows, first of all, the descriptive and research function of modelling to be realised. The presented combination of models demonstrates a comprehensive understanding of the processes of separatism in Europe: not only from the perspective of the regions, but also from the perspective of the states; the logic of the behaviour of separatist actors is explained, and an attempt is made to analyse the peculiarities of the relationship between the centre and the regions.