In the early 2020s, the close relationship between the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran was signi cantly strengthened. Higher education is one of the most important areas of cooperation between two countries. Russian medical and technical universities are popular with Iranians. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the state organization responsible for attracting foreign students is currently Rossotrudnichestvo. It is therefore necessary to consider the traditions established by its predecessor, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS), when working with Iranian students. The present article is based on solid archival ground, relying on the unpublished documents from the VOKS les of the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) and published documents from Iranian archives. The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive description of VOKS’ strategy for working with potential and current students from Iran, highlighting the internal and external factors that in uence VOKS’ performance. It also sheds light on several important case studies related to the problems Iranian students faced in the USSR, including expulsions, internships, and employment. The neo-institutional approach, which emphasizes the actions of individuals within an organization, is employed to demonstrate VOKS’s place among Soviet institutions and to show how the work with Iranian students was organized and in what way this in uenced their life and the success of Soviet cultural diplomacy in Iran. Studying medicine or technical subjects was as popular with Iranians then as it is today. It is concluded that Iranian students who managed to gain support from both VOKS and diplomatic o cials from the USSR and Iran were successful. Attracting international students from Asia and Africa to Russia is relevant in the 21st century because of the “turn to the East” foreign policy strategy and the expansion and cooperation of the BRICS organization.

Despite its considerable potential and growth rates, the African continent has not yet overcome its main challenge: con icts, which have become almost chronic in some countries. Given the tangible consequences of these con icts for both African countries and the rest of the world, establishing and maintaining peace and security in Africa remains a priority for the international community. The Central African Republic (CAR), one of the world’s poorest countries, landlocked but rich in natural resources, has experienced the full impact of endless coups, weak governance and con ict. Since the mid-1990s, more than a dozen peacekeeping operations have been conducted here. The CAR has become a kind of ‘laboratory’ for all possible types of intervention, including multidimensional stabilization operations, training, observation, advisory, military missions and peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations. The peacekeeping ‘marathon’ in the CAR involved a multitude of actors, including the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the European Union (EU), as well as individual countries, such as France and, to some extent, Russia. Despite these interventions, the domestic political situation in the country remained unstable for a long time, representing the Central African security paradox. To study this issue, the dynamics of numerous peacekeeping operations since 1997 were examined, and three main stages of international intervention were identi ed based on qualitative changes in the security situation. The present study is based on a qualitative comparative analysis, which enables to identify stable combinations of factors that determine the e ectiveness or ine ectiveness of international missions in protracted con icts. The study reveals the main reasons for the limited e ectiveness of international peacekeeping in the CAR.

The formation of a new world order in the 21st century is in its infancy, and the growing contradiction between international actors continues to intensify. In an effort to preserve unipolarity and counteract multipolarity, the United States adheres to the concept of information warfare, involving the rest of the world in this process. Conflict remains a prevalent feature of international relations, and dialogue is frequently perceived either as a sign of weakness or as a planned maneuver by an opponent. The purpose of the study is to identify the features of the axiological and technical aspects of information warfare in a multipolar world. Two key aspects of information warfare are examined separately: the information-psychological and the information-technical. The analysis of the use of information warfare tools enables the identification of the direction of actions by global actors, the main methods employed, the goals pursued and the results achieved. The research methodology is based on systematic and axiological approaches, which have facilitated the conceptualization of information warfare as a form of non-kinetic influence on the value and institutional foundations of the enemy. The present study employs a hermeneutical analysis of sources, incorporating elements of lexico-semantic analysis, as a methodological approach. The main conclusion of the study asserts that information warfare, in which the United States remains the main actor, poses a serious threat to the emerging multipolar world and the security of its supporters, while acknowledging their potential for resistance, which is likely to emerge in the future. In conclusion, the following directions for further research are proposed: firstly, the practice of interaction between the allied states that prevent the restoration of a unipolar world; secondly, the information pressure from the United States and the collective West; thirdly, Russia’s transition from defensive to offensive actions in the information warfare; and fourthly, the analysis of new tools and methods of conducting information warfare, as well as other relevant topics.

In the struggle for the future world order, various concepts of a just global order collide. Russia’s foreign policy documents emphasize the importance of establishing a world order that is multipolar and based on the dialogue of civilizations, respect for national sovereignty and mutual security. These principles are only partially shared by other participants in international relations, among which the United States and China stand out in terms of their ideological and power potential. Due to the importance of these powers and the growing contradictions between them, the danger of the formation of a new bipolar system of international relations is increasing in the world. The experience of the Yalta-Potsdam system shows the tendency of the bipolar system to ideological and value confrontation and the use of force to resolve conflicts. The emergence of such a system of international relations was the result of fundamental differences in the understanding of the principles of a fair world order by the two sides with the existing parity of military and political capabilities of the parties. The basis of the fragile peace in the conditions of the bipolar system of international relations became the danger of mutual destruction of the parties with nuclear weapons. International rules and institutions, including the UN Charter, proved incapable of guaranteeing peace. Therefore, the main lesson of the Cold War should be considered the need to prevent the very emergence of bipolarity, which could bring the world on the brink of war and even total destruction. This article analyzes the threats of the formation of a new bipolarity in connection with the escalation of the conflict between the United States and China in international relations. Today, these countries have the most powerful material and force capabilities, as well as fundamentally different visions of a fair world. Since the Cold War, the United States has been guided by the universality of its democratic ideals, while China offers a concept of global “harmony” in accordance with the ideals of economic development and the recognition of civilizational differences. The election of Donald Trump as president implies a revision of democratic priorities in favor of confirming the military-economic dominance of the United States in the world. Russia could play a special role in the formation of a multipolar and multilateral order in Eurasia as a prototype of the future world order. The conditions for progress in this direction are associated with strengthening the military-political balance in the region, developing inter-civilizational dialogue, economic openness, and multilateral institutions.

This study explores the formation of the concept of digital sovereignty in non-liberal democratic countries through a comparative analysis of media discourses in Russia and China. Against the backdrop of intensifying global competition and technological transformations associated with the Fourth Industrial Revolution, comparing how different actors in non-democratic states construct digital sovereignty becomes crucial for understanding the divergences between the two countries. The research methodology is based on big data analysis of media publications, employing automated text analysis methods ( PolyAnalyst ). The sample includes over 2,800 materials from Russian and Chinese media outlets covering the period from 2011 to 2021. The analysis was conducted across several dimensions: economic and political content, national and international levels, and the technologies incorporated into the concept of digital sovereignty. The study adopts a constructivist approach, viewing digital sovereignty as a phenomenon discursively constructed by various actors. Particular attention was given to mapping actor networks and identifying dominant thematic clusters. The scientific novelty of the research lies in its comparative approach to studying digital sovereignty in non-liberal democracy countries. The study demonstrates that digital sovereignty is not a monolithic concept: its understanding in Russia and China differs significantly. In Russia, narratives of national security, state control, and protectionism prevail, whereas in China, the emphasis is placed on technological development, economic leadership, and global competitiveness. Furthermore, the study reveals the different roles played by economic actors and technological imaginaries in shaping the concepts of digital sovereignty. The findings show that Russia and China employ distinct strategies and narratives to legitimize digital sovereignty. This work contributes to the understanding of the role of media in shaping sovereignty concepts and opens up new avenues for further research in the fields of digital governance and international relations.

The article examines the development of relations between China and Latin America, focusing on economic cooperation with Uruguay. The study analyzes the formation of a new economic and political landscape in the Global South, highlighting the specific aspects of China’s policy in this region. The authors identify two key phases in the bilateral relationship between China and Uruguay, spanning nearly twenty-five years, with the 2016 agreement marking a significant milestone in establishing a strategic partnership between the two countries. Using the Global South as a theoretical and methodological marker for scientific inquiry requires a clear methodological framework built around the conceptual parameters of the Global South itself. Uruguay’s approach to the Global South concept is methodologically crucial, given its balanced and moderate foreign policy stance. The article demonstrates how China, seeking to strengthen its position in Latin America, is developing a comprehensive policy to increase trade turnover and investments in the region. Specifically, the dynamics of export and import between China and Uruguay are examined, as well as Uruguay’s role as a strategic partner for China. The authors analyze Uruguay’s legal and institutional environment that facilitates foreign investment and note that despite significant successes in trade, the level of Chinese investments in Uruguay remains relatively low. The article goes on to explore potential reasons for this phenomenon and the prospects for further development of investment cooperation. Special attention is given to the role of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which Uruguay joined in 2018, thus becoming the first Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) member to support this Chinese initiative. The article underscores the importance of further deepening the strategic partnership between China and Uruguay, which can serve as a successful example of interaction within the Global South and contribute to the strengthening of the positions of Global South countries on the international stage.

The article examines the role of the Republic of Kenya in providing security beyond the African continent and the potential of an ad hoc coalition formed of “secondary” states as an alternative to institutionalized collective security systems in the context of new forms of peacekeeping development. In the 2020s, it became evident that the liberal peacebuilding paradigm was not applicable to Haiti. At present a failed state could not resist the growth of gangsterism without external military support, which has led to a serious security crisis. In October 2023, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) authorized the deployment of the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission (MSS) to assist the Haitian authorities in confronting urban gangs. The mission’s mandate was extended in September 2024. The deployment of this mission signals the start of a new cycle of external intervention in Haiti. The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience and lessons of the formation and functioning of a stabilization ad hoc coalition involving “secondary” states, and the role of the leader state (by the example of Kenya) in a changing international environment. The study’s methodology is based on interdisciplinary, historical and systemic approaches. It is stated that the readiness of the Republic of Kenya to lead the coalition forces demonstrates an increased ability of African states to play a leading role in providing security beyond the continent. However, the deployment of the international mission has been significantly delayed. Currently, the stabilization forces have very limited resources and capabilities with which to support the Haitian national police. A thorough examination of the initial phase of the MSS in Haiti confirms the working hypothesis that the effectiveness of the coalition forces is associated with the role of a leading state with international authority and resources for a stabilization or peacekeeping operation. The experience of the initial stage of the coalition forces’ mission revealed a gap between the ambitions of “secondary” states and their capacity to conduct coalition operations independently. Along with the common difficulties of providing predictable and sustainable funding for similar operations, the MSS faced a number of national-level challenges related to the establishment of a legal framework for the deployment of Kenyan peacekeepers to Haiti, as well as a lack of support from the Kenyan opposition and public. It is noted that the United States (US) continues to patron “failed states” and creates coalitions with “secondary” states, involving them in the US geopolitical goals in the Caribbean region achievement.

The ongoing confrontation between Russia and the West over the conflict in Ukraine has revealed another, and unprecedented, example of the politicization of global energy supply. The politicization of energy supply represents an important phenomenon in international relations, which still lack a proper theoretical elaboration. This article aims to comprehensively examine and typologize the main manifestations of the politicization of global energy supply both in history and in modern international relations, with a special focus on the ‘energy confrontation’ between Russia and the West, provoked by the conflict in Ukraine. Theoretically, the research is based on the existing conceptual elaboration of the term ‘politicization,’ as well as on the vision of international relations by proponents of social constructivism and political realism. It relies on the methods of historical, system and comparative analysis, as well as the method of analogy. The author concludes that the politicization of energy supply is an integral attribute of international relations in the last half century. It can be hidden or open, moderate or extreme. The extreme form of politicization of energy supply, in contrast to the moderate one, involves the use of ‘energy weapons’ for political purposes, which equates it to an energy war. Energy wars can be limited or full-scale; unilateral, bilateral or multilateral. The conflict in Ukraine has provoked an open and extreme politicization of energy supply, which took the form of a full-scale, bilateral energy war after the start of Russia’s special military operation. The United States and its allies, seeking to influence the Russian policy towards Ukraine, have used ‘energy weapons’ to the fullest, and Russia has responded in kind, albeit on a limited scale.

South and Central Asia have a thousand-year history of interaction, including the era of empires and the rivalry of great powers. The failure of the United States in establishing peace in Afghanistan demonstrates the importance of a regional initiative to resolve the situation in that country. The authors emphasize the importance of the ideas put forward by the Uzbek leadership, which can establish multifaceted relations between the countries of South and Central Asia. The methodological basis of the study is the geopolitical concept of H. Mackinder, the meaning of which is to single out the north-eastern part of Eurasia as a special and significant area - the Heartland. In recent years, Uzbekistan has established itself as a responsible regional actor, fulfilling its obligations. Central Asia and South Asia have a demographic complementarity that can change the rules of the game for the peoples of Eurasia. Uzbekistan has every chance to attract the attention of the international business, as it has a cheap labour workforce and sufficient opportunities to become a Eurasian business center. At the present time, Tashkent is on the threshold of a new stage in its involvement in the peace process in Afghanistan. The previous proposals, although acceptable, did not receive broad international support, nor adequate information and political promotion within the country. The development of Uzbekistan’s strategy indicates a clear intention to actively participate in the settlement of the conflict and the consistent implementation of the country’s position on this issue. Whatever the future scenario of the situation in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan will continue to be interested in minimizing the negative consequences of events in the neighboring country and will continue to play an important role in the process of resolving the situation. In the light of developing events, Uzbekistan should continue the Afghan strategy, adapting it in a timely manner to the evolving regional and international realities. On the one hand, Uzbekistan has become a full-fledged regional leader, offering its neighbors to discuss and resolve issues of interaction themselves. At the same time, thanks to a flexible approach, Tashkent is trying to avoid competition and any concerns of its neighbors about the country’s increased ambitions.

At the Brussels Summit in 2021, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) heads of state and government endorsed the Climate Change and Security Action Plan, which, according to experts, sets an ambitious goal of transforming the alliance into a leading environmental security organization capable of developing adequate adaptation measures to reduce the security impacts of climate change. The article examines the main challenges that the alliance faces in implementing the two tracks of its climate policy. Despite the significant role of the alliance’s member countries in shaping the international climate agenda, the organization’s contribution to the global climate discourse has long remained limited. The article questions the effectiveness of the bloc’s actions in combating climate change; since they are they are aimed at adapting to climate change rather than mitigating its effects. Studying the potential for the use of renewable energy sources in NATO, the article concludes that the development of innovative technologies is inadequate, as are the infrastructural and logistical problems associated with their implementation. The alliance countries have expressed their intention to transition to sustainable energy and to cease their reliance on energy resources from Russia, which could potentially lead to an even greater dependence on supplies of rare earth metals from China. Based on the methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis, the article substantiates that the climate agenda does not correspond to the real actions of the bloc, as evidenced by the increase in military spending and arms supplies to Ukraine. New member countries of the alliance, Sweden and Finland, which are leading the implementation of the United Nations sustainable development goals, are also ready to increase their national greenhouse gas emissions through participation in NATO and increase defense spending in accordance with the requirements of the alliance. The author concludes that although NATO wants to become the first international military-political organization whose policy is aimed at reducing the impact of climate change on security, the actions and goals of the alliance continue to be controversial. The author further predicts an escalating call from international non-state actors for greater climate action within the alliance.