Abstract The history of Dagenham offers unique insights into both the changing composition of the working class and the forces that have reshaped domestic politics throughout the last 100 years, particularly the politics of the British labour movement. Events in Dagenham during the first decade of the new century, in particular the forces that shaped the rise and fall of the British National Party, foreshadowed the rise of authoritarian populism. Given its economic, political and demographic history, Dagenham offers a unique lens through which to assess the performance of the Labour government in the years ahead.

Abstract Britain's housing crisis stems primarily from the discretionary planning system introduced by the Town and Country Planning Act 1947. The system, designed to limit urban growth and control the location of industrial activity, sharply curtailed housebuilding, especially in cities, with long‐term effects on housing supply, affordability and economic performance. Using historical data back to 1856, Britain's planning system can be shown to have led to decades of underbuilding and worse housing outcomes than in peer western European nations. A shift from the discretionary planning system established in 1947 towards a more rules‐based, flexible zoning system is essential to address the housing crisis, support growth and reverse Britain's relative economic decline.

Abstract This paper explores the multifaceted implications of Nigeria's persistent security crisis, highlighting its domestic, regional and global consequences. It examines the humanitarian toll, economic disruption, poverty, food insecurity and the erosion of social cohesion within Nigeria. Regionally, it analyses how Nigeria's instability exacerbates insecurity across West Africa and weakens collective peacebuilding efforts. Internationally, it underscores the implications for energy security, irregular migration and European border stability. Drawing on verified data and scholarly literature, this article argues that stabilising Nigeria is vital for its survival, regional peace and international order in an increasingly interconnected world.

Abstract The current government has implemented changes to the planning system in ‘the public interest’ and planners more generally aim to make decisions in ‘the public interest’. Yet, this concept is hard to define, and it has been much reflected on since the adoption of land use planning in 1947. For Friedrich Hayek, planning meant an attack on property rights. Indeed, the creation of winners and losers makes it challenging to reach a deliberative consensus on where the public interest lies. Nonetheless, processes of local consultation and decision making are invaluable in securing good quality and sustainable housing, and should not be dispensed with in pursuit of crude numerical housebuilding goals set by central government.

Abstract This article provides a critical view of the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) Deaton Review, a landmark initiative that brings together more than ninety papers examining inequality in the UK from multiple dimensions. The Review makes an invaluable contribution by providing comprehensive and up‐to‐date analyses of the levels of inequality and the historical and emerging trends of inequality across different population subgroups and regions. This article focuses on two key themes from the Review—economic inequality and spatial disparities—and explores how they intersect with political dynamics in shaping the persistent and widening divides across the country. The evidence presented in the Review points to entrenched patterns of disadvantage, with regional inequalities in income, wealth, health and education reinforcing one another and creating conditions akin to a spatial poverty trap. The article concludes by highlighting future directions of research, building on the Review, that directly deals with policies to address the structural inequalities in the UK.

Abstract Public opinion polling has found that responses to the second presidency of Donald Trump range from the exuberant enthusiasm of his followers to anxiety, stress and anger, not only amongst many US citizens, but also a large section of the world's population who did not vote for him but are affected by his policies and governing style. This article is based upon interviews conducted with British citizens who say that their mental well‐being has been negatively affected by Trump's political ascendancy. The article considers what people mean when they say that Trump is getting on their nerves; what strategies they employ to protect themselves from the Trump effect; what consequences these widely evoked feelings have for their confidence as democratic citizens; and what lies behind the negative affects evoked by Trump.

Abstract Could the Conservative Party lose its status as one of the two major parties in the British party system and be supplanted by Reform UK? Such collapses are rare under the first‐past‐the‐post electoral system, but not unknown. We consider Alan Ware's argument that major‐party collapses follow a catastrophic election defeat after a party finds itself fighting on two separate fronts. This applies to the Conservatives, who lost votes to small parties to their left (Liberal Democrats) and right (Reform) simultaneously, as well as to Labour. Catastrophic ‘surge‐and‐collapse’ electoral defeats are possible when major parties are challenged not only in the marginal constituencies, but also in ‘safe’ seats, typically because of the intervention of minor parties. The conditions are in place for a Conservative collapse, but it is not guaranteed, owing to questions over Reform's long‐term ability to supplant the Conservatives as Britain's major right‐wing party.

Abstract The 2024 general election underscored how significantly the British political party system is changing. It produced the most fragmented party system in the history of British democracy, with thirteen political parties sending at least one MP to Westminster and a record number of independent MPs. The huge disparity between Reform UK's 14 per cent share of the popular vote and its five MPs has been ammunition for protests around the minimal rights given to them in the Commons, particularly their lack of any places on select committees. It has cast a stronger spotlight on the lack of rights given to smaller parliamentary groups and independents, something that the new Modernisation Committee has committed to examining further. This article highlights the opacity of small‐party rights and how they are often based on informal negotiation with key parliamentary players rather than on the Standing Orders. Moreover, it demonstrates how the reluctance to integrate smaller parties fully into parliamentary procedures reinforces a democratic and representational deficit and suggests three ways in which this could be remedied.