The organic law on amnesty is being challenged before the Court of Justice of the European Union by means of several preliminary rulings. Although EU law lacks general legislative power on amnesty, some EU norms impose limits on the role of the Spanish legislature. It is necessary to determine whether the Court of Luxembourg has jurisdiction to examine the conformity of a national amnesty law with European Union law and, if so, under what standard of review. Specifically, two main grounds for challenge that have been the subject of discussion in academic and judicial circles will be examined: the infringement of the principle of the rule of law and the breach of the financial interests of the European Union.

The EU elections are usually categorized as second-order elections, but for some voters and specific formations they function differently. The scenario opened up by the European Parliament elections in 2024 exemplifies how this type of electoral process mobilizes extreme right-wing populist forces in a more intense way in relative terms, as it is seen as a window of opportunity to achieve institutional representation. In the aforementioned elections, the results showed not only a quantitative but also a qualitative growth of this type of formations. Thus, although it has been a success in terms of the number of seats obtained, it has also meant a fragmentation of this space into three distinct groups.

The Spanish Transition was a process that had the support of the country’s main media, which discursively supported the democratisation process, based on the reform of the Franco dictatorship. Beyond the editorial line, this paper analyses the shareholding configuration of the main newspaper companies of the time in order to observe the relationship between shareholders and the Franco regime. The results reveal connections of relevance and interest with the regime, indispensable for understanding the media as a newspaper source, but also as an active historical actor. The relations with the power structure show the media’s closeness to its different spheres, also in its most recent trajectory, instrumentalising the media in power struggles.

The present article is a review of liberalism in contemporary Spanish history and how it adapted to political practices throughout this time. At the end of this paper addresses some of the shortcomings of liberalism in Spain and assesses the extent to which this thought took root in the political customs of the country.

The work aims to explore and analyse non-Western approaches to International Relations, highlighting the importance of alternative perspectives in a field traditionally dominated by Western paradigms. Theories and practices emerging from geopolitical, historical and cultural contexts other than the West are examined, highlighting how these approaches challenge and complement the global understanding of International Relations. Through critical analysis, the study seeks to demystify the perception that Western theories are universally applicable, proposing instead a more inclusive and pluralistic vision of the world order. The work also discusses the implications of these perspectives for international policymaking and the importance of integrating these voices into academic debates in order to achieve a more balanced and representative understanding of current global dynamics.

The disruptive nature of the beginnings of Portuguese democratization generated a complex identification of the centre-right sectors somewhat close to the dictatorship with the new stage of the country. These sectors swung initially between a narrative favorable to political change in general, thereby supporting the Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA) —the real guardian of the process—, with criticism of the leftist drift in moments of greatest revolutionary agitation. The arrival of the Verão Quente of 1975 meant the break between the Christian democrat Centro Democrático Social and the MFA and its political project, adopting a dissident discourse from then on. This discourse was joined by the Partido Popular Democrático in the post-revolutionary stage, in a context of convergence with the Western European pattern that would motivate a questioning of the revolution through a critical memory of the recent past.

This article investigates how the most significantly involved political actors in the official commemorations of the fiftieth anniversary of the April 25th 1974 revolution retrieved the role of the Catholic Church at the end of the authoritarian regime and in the process of transition to democracy. After a brief account of the historical context that situates the events evoked by the commemorations, the mobilization of the subject is explored. It is argued that the projected representation benefits a bloc of the political spectrum, namely the left, and that it obeyed purely political objectives, without inscribing or representing any change in the institutional relationship of public powers, that is, of the State with the Catholic Church. The aim of this article is to provide a starting point for research on the political uses of the past regarding religion and, in particular, Portuguese Catholicism.

This paper presents a study of Marx’s thought in his early writings, with a particular focus on the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right. The analysis begins by developing the foundations of Marx’s critique of Hegel’s philosophy, concentrating specifically on Hegel’s approach to reality and the role assigned to philosophical thought. From this foundation, the study delineates how this critique evolves into an objection to the separation between civil society and the state, as understood in the Hegelian framework. Finally, the paper expounds on the Marxian conception of overcoming this separation as a precondition for a radical and republican form of democracy, wherein the entirety of the citizenry actively exercises popular sovereignty without domination.

In an effort to explore constitution-making as an object of ethnographic inquiry, this research breaks up disciplinary boundaries both in substance and method. More specifically, it aims to explore the concept of the constitutional subject within the Chilean constituent context between 2019 and 2022. From this perspective, the use of ethnography as a strategy to capture this figure allows for a study of the constitution-making process in line with Michel Rosenfeld’s theory of the constitutional subject, thereby exploring the negation expressed through the repudiation of national symbols embedded in public spaces; the use of indigenous movement flags as an intersectional metaphor; and the passage of abortion as a metonymic process. In so doing, this work delves into the symbolic and aspirational appeal of the constituent process in Chile, illustrating what theorists refer to as the «identity of the constitutional subject». The study then concludes by highlighting the need to shed light on the extent to which constitution writing can catalyze ethnocultural conflicts in the construction of an encompassing constitutional identity, which appears to be a problem subject to certain contextual constraints.

This article investigates how the most significantly involved political actors in the official commemorations of the fiftieth anniversary of the April 25th 1974 revolution retrieved the role of the Catholic Church at the end of the authoritarian regime and in the process of transition to democracy. After a brief account of the historical context that situates the events evoked by the commemorations, the mobilization of the subject is explored. It is argued that the projected representation benefits a bloc of the political spectrum, namely the left, and that it obeyed purely political objectives, without inscribing or representing any change in the institutional relationship of public powers, that is, of the State with the Catholic Church. The aim of this article is to provide a starting point for research on the political uses of the past regarding religion and, in particular, Portuguese Catholicism.