El artículo pretende contribuir a la literatura sobre el impacto del populismo en la política exterior mediante un análisis del discurso y actuación internacional de dos movimientos populistas italianos, el Movimento Cinque Stelle y Fratelli d’Italia, entre 2012 y 2024. Utiliza un método cualitativo basado en el análisis de discurso y de documentos. Mediante un proceso de codificación manual analiza una amplia variedad de fuentes como discursos parlamentarios, programas electorales, documentos gubernamentales, acciones legislativas y declaraciones en medios de comunicación de los líderes y representantes de ambos movimientos. En línea con los principales interrogantes e hipótesis extraídos de la literatura sobre populismo y política exterior, el objetivo es hallar posibles diferencias y similitudes en los discursos y actuaciones de política exterior de ambos movimientos y averiguar si su presencia, tanto en la oposición como en el Gobierno, ha supuesto un cambio en la política exterior llevada a cabo por Gobiernos italianos precedentes y regidos por partidos no populistas.

El presente estudio examina la génesis del concepto de tercera España en la obra de Salvador de Madariaga, analizando cómo su interpretación se transformó de una crítica a la dicotomía de las dos Españas a una propuesta para la reconciliación nacional. En ese desarrollo intelectual pueden distinguirse tres fases clave: en la primera cuestiona la polarización ideológica al atribuir los problemas nacionales a la psicología colectiva; en la segunda, la experiencia de la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil le impulsa a plantear la tercera España como fuerza mediadora y solución política; y en la tercera, durante el exilio, el concepto se consolida como herramienta interpretativa en clave de alternativa político-ideológica a través de la europeización. A pesar de que no se llegó a materializar como alternativa política efectiva, la noción de tercera España consolidó un discurso que invitaba a superar las divisiones históricas, promoviendo una visión superadora del problema de España y orientada hacia la integración europea.

Este artículo propone una comparación inédita entre Maquiavelo y Demóstenes, dos figuras que, pese a la distancia temporal y contextual de casi dos mil años, comparten un horizonte de reflexión política marcado por la lucha por la libertad frente a amenazas externas. Partiendo de analogías entre la Italia renacentista y la Grecia clásica, el análisis resalta las semejanzas en su concepción de la fortuna, la oportunidad política (kairós) y la virtud (virtù), así como en su enfoque retórico. Sin embargo, se identifican cuatro diferencias clave: la innovación política, el destinatario de su discurso, su actitud ante la expansión territorial y el uso del mito en la acción política. Mientras Demóstenes aboga por la preservación del orden republicano y un liderazgo controlado por la ciudadanía, Maquiavelo introduce la figura del príncipe nuevo como redentor. La comparación permite una relectura de la modernidad de Maquiavelo y su impacto en la teoría política contemporánea.

T. Jefferson, first a champion of the independence of the thirteen North American colonies and then the third president of the United States, did not initially conceal his sympathies for the French Revolution. In this sense, his enthusiasm for a new age in the history of mankind, which would have begun with the progress of the Enlightenment, was clear. However, although Jefferson sought to find the principles of a secular policy that would bring prosperity through trade and the suppression of the wars unleashed by the European monarchies, he avoided reaching the ultimate consequences of the premises deployed by the French revolutionaries in 1789. This article analyses Jefferson’s way and ideas, which would serve him in the construction of a ‘new’ policy for the United States, both for its expansion and for its national shaping.

The article argues that the Atocha murders have been exaggerated in explaining Suarez’s decision to legalize the PCE. The then-secret cables from the United States Ambassador to Spain provide three novel pieces of evidence. Firstly, that the decision was surely made earlier. Secondly, Brandt and the European social democracy did not raise any objections to the possibility of Suarez keeping the PCE illegal. Thirdly, the relevance of economic motives, which would later culminate in the Moncloa Pacts, in the decision to legalize. In addition to this, the historiography generated by the legalization is used to compare two ways of looking at the past, the novelistic andthe rigorous.

This study focuses on the transformation of political concepts in Carl Schmitt during the early 1930s. First, we contextualize and analyze his lecture on Hugo Preuß given in January 1930 in Berlin. This text was included in the 2016 German edition of the 1931 Der Hüter der Verfassung. In two following steps of analysis (parts III. and IV.), we analyze and criticize, in this 1930 lecture, the references to Max Weber whose sociology of power Schmitt knew perfectly. Finally, we explain how Schmitt maintains the camouflage of «technically neutralizing» the called liberal-democracy in his November 1933 pre-essay from the 1933 Staat, Bewegung, Volk. We argue that the key to understanding the conceptual transformation in Schmitt between 1930 and 1933 consists of a semantical deformation of Weber.

The sources of origin of ideas in foreign policy are investigated in order to understand the links and influences between diplomacy and foreign policy and the presence of academia in its formulation. According to Cervo (2008), in Brazilthe production of these ideas has been generated in the offices of the ministries of foreign affairs and in academia. This statement is taken as a research hypothesis, analyzing the relationships between diplomacy and academia. The methodology was based on interviews, primary and secondary sources. It is concluded that each case is different, although in general the academy has not been relevant —with the exception of Chile— but some academics have been, in Brazil and Argentina, confirming the scarce presence of the academy in decision-making that remains in a «black box», preventing knowing the ideas of the groups that participate in the decisions, including diplomats and other actors. There is little relationship between diplomats and academics and their opinion is not influential or decisive in the presidential decision.

The purpose of this paper is to highlight the convergence between the dimensions of the status quo, peace, and restoration to build a balanced situation or pact understood as a civilizing concept. To do this, we select its most important milestones that we group into three phases based on relevant historical-philosophical examples. The first refers to the context of war in ancient Greece and the Ara Pacis monument in Rome, whose meaning is political as well as religious. The second is located in early modernity when F. Bacon proposes a religious instauratio as the basis for the new science. In front of it are erected the models of radical Enlightenment in Spinoza and (third phase) of restorative Constitution (Verfassung) in Hegel. In conclusion, we point out the dissolution of the balance oriented to the pact and its subsequent neutralization today.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the political behavior of presidents in the face of Lawfare, understood as the abusive use of judicial processes as a tool to discredit political leaders. Using evidence from Latin American countries, we aim to examine how presidents in the region employ this concept and its correspondence with the judicial cases initiated against them. Thus, in the first part, we will analyze the use of this label by various political leaders in Latin America, while in the second part, we will seek to determine whether such discourse has any empirical evidence through an analysis of the judicial processes brought against Latin American presidents from 2000 to the present.

The tradition of cosmopolitan thought is based on the consideration that there is a universal political community, a common space for coexistence that globalization has reinforced and has made more clearly perceptible. Within this space, public and private agents converge, whose dynamics and correlation of forces are subjecting to significant tensions that which can be conceived as the common beyond the State, often putting it at the service of private interests and affecting its adequate care and protection. A reality that, for cosmopolitanism, would demand greater levels of transnational democratic governance and the progressive construction of a global demos on which to base this governance. This article analyzes how various theoretical elements on which the tradition of republican thought is based can be useful for the strengthening and advancement of cosmopolitan proposals.