Purpose: The study examines the emergence of the Right to disconnect as a resolution to workplace digital connectivity issues. It explores the legal, constitutional, and ethical aspects of this right, comparing the standards of work-life balance. The study mainly emphasizes the legal recognition and implementation of the Right to disconnect to promote work-life balance, mental health, and the dignity of labor in a digital and remote-working environment, outlining the negative effects of constant connectivity on employee well-being. Design / Methodology: The research uses a doctrinal legal approach to focus on the statutes, court decisions, academic literature, and international legal frameworks relating to the Right to disconnect. Comparative analysis evaluates France, Germany, Italy, and Spain’s laws and policies in relation to India. A constitutional interpretation of Indian law, specifically Article 21, is used to determine whether this right can be incorporated into domestic law. Practical Implication: In a digital work culture, India requires a well-defined legislative framework to guarantee employees’ right to disconnect, supporting policy reforms that encourage work-life balance, mental health, and their impact on well-being. The study also helps policymakers, employers, and HR managers to take note of employee well-being and the framework code of work accordingly. Findings/Outcome: The research indicates that the Right to disconnect is required for preserving employees’ mental health, ensuring and increasing productivity, and work-life equilibrium in the digital era. In India, despite constitutional provisions supporting this freedom, there is a lack of clear legislation and guidelines for the corporate to disconnect the employee after leaving the workstation.

This paper seeks to analyse how nature was present in the works Vidas Secas (1938), by Graciliano Ramos, an author born in Alagoas, Northeast Brazil, and Ensayo sobre la expresion popular y artística en Santiago (1937), by Bernardo Canal Feijóo, a writer born in Santiago del Estero, Northwest Argentina. The idea is to reflect on the connections between two regions impacted by climate issues. We believe that Graciliano and Canal Feijóo experienced complex contexts in the 1930s related to the search for modernisation in their countries, marked by environmental degradation and social inequality translated into poverty, misery and migration. Despite the aesthetic differences between them, Graciliano, above all a novelist, and Canal Feijóo, more focused on essays, this article aims to establish a dialogue between the narratives of two intellectuals from the ‘north,’ through an intellectual body that is territory and nature understood as a body.

This article consists of a historical investigation based on the 90th anniversary of the founding of the UERJ Law School, with the aim of understanding the original constitutionalist of the Rio de Janeiro Law School. Homero Pires was the professor of constitutional law and general theory of the state during the founding and early years of the Rio de Janeiro Law School in the 1930s. In recalling the life of Professor Homero Pires, the essay also explores his Ruista constitutionalism, insofar as he was a disciple of Rui Barbosa, as evidenced by the record of his activities during that period.

This article provides an interdisciplinary reinterpretation of Nguyen Trai (1380–1442) as a political philosopher, cultural humanist, and architect of early Le-era statecraft. By situating his thought within the ideological realignment of post-Ming occupation Vietnam, the study reexamines his conception of nhân nghĩa (benevolence and righteousness) as both a moral ideal and a pragmatic framework for governance. Drawing on Confucian humanism, Neo-Confucian moral governance, and Southeast Asian resistance literature, the analysis integrates political theory, textual hermeneutics, and historical-contextual reconstruction to illuminate Nguyen Trai’s synthesis of ethical statecraft and cultural identity. The findings demonstrate that his vision of humane governance transcended wartime propaganda to articulate a coherent philosophy of nation-building grounded in justice, popular welfare, and moral legitimacy. By bridging political ethics, cultural resilience, and Confucian reformism, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of Vietnamese intellectual history and highlights Nguyen Trai’s enduring relevance to contemporary discussions on leadership, ethics, and human-centered governance.

This article aims to analyse the administration of public funds and distributive conflict during the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985), questioning the role of economic groups in the allocation of the federal budget during this period, particularly large infrastructure construction companies. The purpose is to understand the impacts of the 1964 coup on the allocation of state-controlled resources and which social groups and classes benefited from and were harmed by budgetary policy during the period. The text is part of the recent historiographical debate on the role of business leaders in the Brazilian dictatorship and uses the concept of public funds developed by Francisco de Oliveira. The main source for the article is the Statistical Yearbook of Brazil published by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), which provides annual data on the actual budget. After verifying high expenditures in the military portfolios and in the ministries responsible for infrastructure works, we conclude that the business-military pact of the dictatorship was not only about a political relationship and division of power, but also involved the distribution of resources and appropriation of public funds directly by these agents.

From the 19th century and throughout the 20th century, until the implosion of the Cândido Mendes Penal Institute in 1994, Ilha Grande was chosen by both dictatorships and democratic governments as a place of exile and incarceration. Of the many prison units maintained there, one common legacy remains: irregular prisons and constant violation of rights. This article seeks to reconstruct this trajectory through the testimonies of three prisoners: Graciliano Ramos, Herondino Pereira Pinto, and William da Silva Lima. In their respective memoirs, the authors recount a century-long history of authoritarianism and violence that bears witness to the country's anti-democratic tradition.

This article aims to contribute to the understanding of the history of punitive control in Brazil during the colonial period, based on critical criminological knowledge. To this end, a bibliographic review of books and articles analysing the history of punitive control during this period was undertaken. As the focus of the article is on punitive control, public or private, exercised by the Portuguese colonisers, who simply transplanted their legislation without adaptation to the Brazilian colony, a retrospective of the origins of public punishment in the Iberian Peninsula and its main procedural vehicle, the inquiry, was carried out. The article then addresses the forms of punitive control practised in productive units, sugar mills and coffee farms, and in the urban centres of the Brazilian colony. Finally, the article provides an analysis of the main penalties imposed in Book V of the Philippine Ordinances.