Abstract The literature on second position elements (a.k.a. second position clitics) is characterized by a longstanding discussion as to whether these elements are base-generated in second position or whether they are base-generated in first position and only arrive in second position as the result of a subsequent transformation. In this paper, I will provide two arguments for the transformational approach based on a typological study of second position coordinators ( Weisser 2024 ), i.e. coordinators that appear inside of one of their conjuncts rather than in the semantically transparent peripheral position (e.g. in between the two conjuncts). The first argument will be based on the observation that, although the coordinators usually occupy a second position within their coordinands, they also show positional alternations in some syntactic contexts. These alternations, I argue, can be derived in both transformational and base-generation models. However, we find that the kinds of empirically attested alternations are systematically restricted in a way that falls out of a transformational approach but that cannot be captured in a base-generation approach. In other words, the base-generation approach massively overgenerates predicting much more alternations than we actually find. The second argument is based on opaque interactions between the second position placement and other morphosyntactic operations.

Abstract The orders of noun (N) and adjective modified by an adpositional phrase (A PP) in the world’s languages have been explained by the Head Final Filter (HFF) ( Williams 1982 ) and the Final-over-Final Constraint (FOFC) ( Biberauer et al. 2014 , Sheehan 2017 ). Alexeyenko & Zeijlstra (2021) argue that the HFF can be violated in languages with rich agreement morphology, and propose the Phrase Continuity Requirement (PCR). However, there are some languages that have rich morphology but obey the HFF. As an alternative approach to the orders of N, A and PP, we generalize the HFF and the FOFC into a prosodic constraint, the Minimal Prosodic Boundaries constraint (MPB), which requires that a constituent be externalized with minimal boundaries between its sub-constituents. The variation in possible orders is correctly predicted by an additional rule, the Mapping of Left Bracket Sequence (MLBS), and by language-specific stress patterns. We further argue that our prosodic account can also explain the counterexamples to the HFF and the FOFC.

Abstract Clitic placement with European Portuguese uninflected verbs is problematic for prosodic analyses. While ‘proclisis triggers’ give rise to obligatory proclisis with inflected verbs, they often lead to optional proclisis/enclisis with uninflected verbs ( Raposo & Uriagereka 2008 ), except for aspectual/quantificational adverbials with head-like behaviour ( Martins 2013a ). These patterns provide support for a syntactic ‘Anti-V2 requirement’, whereby clitics usually raise to adjoin to T and either: (a) an XP raises to/through spec FinP and the verb stays in Asp (resulting in proclisis); or (b) the verb raises through T to Fin (resulting in enclisis); but not both (building on Fernández-Rubiera 2009 , 2010 ). The special behaviour of uninflected infinitives can be explained by the possibility of clitics attaching to a lower verbal host and then moving with that host to T resulting in enclisis ( Raposo and Uriagereka 2008 ). Aspectual/quantificational heads block verb movement to T, ruling out enclisis via ‘low fusion’.

Abstract In this paper, we examine the cross-linguistic syncretisms between markers of negation and ‘expletive negation’ ( exn ), i.e., a formal instance of negation lacking negative meaning, in fear -clauses. We argue that these syncretisms reflect structural proximity to the negative functional sequence (cf. De Clercq (2020) and Baunaz & Lander (2023) ) and that exn realises a high, epistemic modal feature (cf. Makri (2013) and Tsiakmakis & Espinal (2022) for Modern Greek). We then explain how the syncretisms can be captured in a uniform way. For this, we adopt the Nanosyntactic model of lexicalisation (cf. De Clercq et al. 2025 ), and so-called stored ‘complex left branches’ (cf. De Clercq 2019 ). Ultimately, we show that, under the assumption that exn is modal, all patterns can be accounted for by varying the shapes of lexical items, while keeping everything else equal.

Abstract Fixed-VSO word order is understood to be a relatively recent innovation within the Mayan language family (England 1991), although it is a matter of recent debate whether this innovation is best understood as a prosodic (Clemens & Coon 2018) or a syntactic (Little 2020b) one. This paper adjudicates between these two proposals by closely examining the fixed-VSO Mayan language Mam. The data from Mam are consistent with Little’s (2020b) syntactic approach by which objects raise overtly in the narrow syntax, where they hold certain structural and interpretational properties consistent with their high position.

Abstract This study investigates the potential emergence of a fused lect in the Northern Kasaragod Variety of Malayalam (NKV-M), a speech variety shaped by prolonged contact with Malayalam, Kannada and Tulu. We examine verb-internal language mixing patterns using the exoskeletal framework with late insertion (originally proposed in Borer 2003), integrating sociolinguistic and formal approaches. Our findings reveal that the underlying syntactic skeleton of NKV-M is primarily derived from Malayalam. However, it incorporates agreement features into the T-projection, resulting in a fused T-Agr projection within the Tense Phrase. This fusion, which is absent in Standard Malayalam, reflects contact-induced retention of South Dravidian features. Morphological levelling among younger speakers and increasing conventionalisation of mixed forms indicate a trajectory towards a fused lect as defined by Auer (1999, 2014). This study demonstrates that NKV-M exhibits systematic, rule-governed variation rather than spontaneous code-mixing, and we argue that the exoskeletal model effectively captures this mixing pattern.

Abstract This study discusses clitic placement in restructuring contexts in Italian and the Italo-Romance dialects spoken in Italy. The data come from AIS map 1086 and a judgement task experiment conducted on bilectal speakers of Italian and the dialect at six representative points in the Italian territory. The variation between clitic climbing and enclisis turns out to be much more complex than previous literature has suggested. The two clitic positions are available to all varieties, but at different rates and with different degrees of optionality. Optionality can be analysed as a function of language dominance in an intricate fashion.

Abstract This paper investigates the morphosyntax of numerals. Based on Russian and Dutch, we show that a division into three subcategories is necessary: (i) numeral ONE;1 (ii) Cardinals ≥ TWO; (iii) Indefinite Numerals such as MANY (cf., Barbiers 2007). We introduce a bi-partite structure, in which a low Classifier projection is connected to a high Classifier projection by an (abstract) preposition. Building on Borer (2005), Barbiers (2007), Kayne (2019), Corver (2021) we argue that ONE is an underspecified lower classifier, exhibiting meaningful parallels with the underspecified anchoring head at the clausal level (cf., Ritter & Wiltschko 2009, 2014). Cardinals are phrasal. Indefinite Numerals are subject to variation in whether they head ClassP-low or ClassP-high. Based on the morphosyntactic properties of the three categories we conclude that in some environments the PP and ClassP-high layers are not projected.

Abstract This paper addresses vocative truncation in Romanesco (Italo-Romance), which has been described as conditioned by a host of constraints at different structural levels. We crowdsourced the data collection with an online questionnaire devised to ask the three research questions whether the acceptability of truncation depends on (a) grammatical number, (b) the individual lexical items, and (c) speaker’s age. Respondents’ ratings on a 5-point Likert scale were analysed by means of Random Forests and Conditional Inference Trees. The results confirmed the significance of number and lexeme as conditioning factors.

Abstract This paper discusses the distribution of subject clitics in nominal copular constructions in the variety of Este (PD) which is a partial pro-drop language where null subjects alternate with subject proclitics: when a postverbal subject NP is present, no subject clitic is allowed with lexical verbs. However, subject proclitics are allowed with postverbal subjects in inverse copular sentences where the postverbal NP agrees with both the copula and the subject proclitic. This paper explores the available discourse semantic interpretations of inverse copular sentences resulting by this inflectional pattern: while the preverbal predicative NP is a topicalized intensional element that instantiates a description, the postverbal NP represents new information. The preverbal predicative NP does not refer to an entity, but to a property representing the subset that includes the postverbal subject NP which a focal element introduced, just in this configuration, by a subject proclitic.