Human touch (“warm fuzzy”) has a tremendous potential to communicate and heal. Although body touching is measured and conditioned in the clinical world, in the folk tradition, it is spontaneous and grounded in experiences of intersubjectivity. Watching numerous medical encounters in an Indian rural setting, we confirm haptic modalities are not just therapeutic but help patients and healers to deeply engage in intersubjective interactions. It is an emotional journey of patients and healers who come close to each other through the sequential process of experiencing “being-apart-from-oneanother,” followed by the feeling of “being-with-one-another,” “being-withinone-another,” and finally “being-for-one-another.” We believe intersubjectivity is the key to healing that starts with free body touching; it is the healing praxis of modern times.

The presence of mendosal sutures is mostly known from fetuses, neonates, and infants and is discussed in medical circles as an osteological condition. However, its presence in an adult human skull, in the archaeological context, has been rarely reported. Here, we report the discovery of a vivid, well-defined persistent mendosal suture in a middle-aged male human cranium excavated from the site of Kumhar Tekri in central India. The site dates from the third and second centuries BCE and was largely a burial mound consisting of skeletal remains and other grave goods. The left side of the cranium was largely missing and has since been reconstructed. The mendosal suture appears to be present above the superior nuchal line, originates above the asterion on both sides, and traverses across the occiput, thus creating a distinct and large mendosal bone between it and the lambdoidal suture. There appear to be no major morphological changes to the cranium due to the presence of the mendosal suture, except for a small curvature of the occiput. This finding is significant as no such case of a mendosal suture is unprecedented in archaeological and paleopathological research. Similarly, a persistent mendosal suture may be used in forensic identification and age estimation. Further research on such cranial sutures is vital.

Background Cognitive impairment (CI) is a major public health concern among the geriatric population and affects around 50 million people worldwide. The prevalence of CI ranges from 5.1% to 41%, and it is considered an initial stage for conditions like acute dementia, Alzheimer’s disease, and schizophrenia. However, diagnosing CI is controversial due to the absence of clear clinical criteria, leading to memory complaints and retained cognitive abilities being used as indicators. While several studies have examined gender differences in cognition and memory, most of these studies have focused on developed countries, leaving a gap in knowledge for other populations. Methodology 407 participants (115 CI individuals and 292 no-CI individuals) in the age range of 36–85 years were recruited in this study. Rowland Universal Dementia Assessment Scale (RUDAS) was implemented for cognitive assessment, and the Post Graduate Institute Memory Scale (PGIMS) was administered for memory assessment. Data generated in the present study have been analyzed in IBM SPSS version 22. Results CI individuals have a significantly higher average age. Females were more cognitively impaired in the studied population. Further, a significantly low PGIMS score among CI individuals has been observed in the present study. Moreover, illiteracy and unemployment were significantly higher, and the PGIMS score was significantly lower among females, both in the case and control groups independently. Most importantly, a significant difference of 9 out of 10 memory domains between males and females in the control category reduced to 5 out of 10 domains in the CI category. Conclusion The present study differentiates gender differences among the CI individuals. Females were more impaired in terms of CI and memory performance. Further, the present study would be clinically beneficial with gender-specific diagnosis and pharmaceutical implications.

With regard to the status of Indian anthropology against the backdrop of world anthropology, I have mixed feelings of both pessimism and optimism . I feel pessimistic because, to the best of my knowledge, barring one exception in Professor Kewal Krishan in the field of forensic anthropology (who has been recently appointed as one of the editors of the prestigious journal The Science of Nature ), I would only be enlightened to learn if any Indian anthropologist has contributed to any theoretical and/or fundamental research in any branch of the discipline! Unless new theories, concepts, and hypotheses are added to a scientific discipline through fundamental research, the discipline would cease to grow; rather, would become stagnant or sterile. Very regretfully, I think that Indian anthropology has been passing through such a phase and, therefore, has failed to evolve its own distinct identity in world anthropology. At the same time, however, I am also very much optimistic in that India (read the Indian subcontinent) is the best anthropological laboratory in the world for research in all the branches of the discipline. It is my very firm belief that, in terms of variety of cultures, India stands next only to the continent of Africa, perhaps, and in terms of antiquity , she is next to none. Other than the variety and antiquity of human cultures and civilizations, what else is needed for research in any branch of anthropology? I have also discussed in this article some of the questions that have always plagued my mind with regard to the discipline itself, such as Who is an anthropologist? Are only those who possess any degree or certificate in the discipline be called anthropologists? If so, then why did not any of the founding fathers of the discipline, who wrote monumental treatises, possess any degree or training in anthropology? In addition, after all, what is anthropology itself? Is there any limit to its scope of study? What is the most essential “prerequisite” that makes one an anthropologist—whether with or without any degree or training in the discipline? I have attempted to answer these questions as far as plausibly in the article. Lastly, I have very humbly forewarned my fellow Indian anthropologists not to delimit the scope of anthropology to the study of “tribes and tribes” alone, despite the fact that the genesis of the discipline rests in the so-called “savage literature” piled up in Europe during the exploration-cum-colonial period. The scope of anthropological study and research is unfathomable!

This study investigates the musical characteristics and development of Zhenba and Ziyang folk songs in Southern Shaanxi. Through literature review and field research, we identified four folk song genres— shange, haozi, xiaodiao, and custom songs—primarily based on pentatonic scales. The melodies predominantly feature small intervallic leaps—typically thirds and fourths—creating a smooth melodic flow. Occasional large leaps of six-, seven-, and eight-degree intervals are used as embellishments, which is a feature more commonly associated with Northern Chinese music. Additionally, the songs exhibit rich variations in rhythm, intonation, lyrics, and thematic content, which is emblematic of their multicultural nature. The songs have been preserved over time through oral transmission. In modern society, there has been a more systematic focus on preservation, as evidenced by the frequent organization of performances and cultural exchange activities driven by government authorities.

Co-management is recognized as crucial in developing sustainable policies to address the deteriorating relationship between humans and wildlife. This approach is inclusive and particularly effective in areas where humans and wildlife share the same resources. The sharing of resources often leads to unsustainable practices. Many studies proved that co-management involves diverse stakeholders, including experts, forest staff, conservation organizations, and the local community, to negotiate conflicting interests effectively. Hence, studying the coexistence strategies implemented by different stakeholders has provided valuable insights into the potential interactions and coexistence of humans and wildlife outside of protected areas. The article examined the local management strategies employed to address human–elephant relations in this context. Additionally, the article discusses various co-management approaches aimed at improving the relationship between humans and wild elephants, along with the factors contributing to building co-management capacity. This article is based on the ethnographic study conducted among the Bodo community residing near the Indo-Bhutan border in Assam, where the local Bodo community experiences conflict with wild elephants.

The concept of “bali” in Hinduism is traditionally associated with sacrifice, particularly within the context of possession rituals such as teyyam in the Malabar region of South India, where it is often linked to practices of sorcery, magic, and witchcraft aimed at protection and prosperity. This conventional understanding, however, overlooks the multifaceted roles bali rituals play, especially in the mortuary practices of the Māvilan communities in Kasaragod district, northern Kerala. This ethnographic study explores the transformative role of bali rituals in converting the deceased into Aṇaṅṅu teyyam performances among the Māvilans, thereby facilitating communication between the living and the dead and venerating ancestral pasts through Tōṟṟam and Cācitra oral traditions. Employing Victor Turner’s concept of liminality as a theoretical framework, the research examines how these rituals navigate the transitional phases of death, enabling a seamless passage and continued presence of the deceased within the community’s cultural and spiritual landscape. This study underscores the importance of localized ethnographic inquiry in uncovering the complex interplay between ritual, belief, and social structure in shaping communal experiences of death and transformation.

Babasaheb Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was a true educationist which is evident through his eruditeness and pursuit of higher education in the early twentieth century. This was a time when receiving an array of degrees from abroad was unheard of by most people. His scholastic endeavors initiated from an early age to build a character and take up Sankalp (resolve) to devote himself to the service of the nation by aiding the poorest of the poor and to socially uplift themselves through education as a means. His contribution to the growth and development of social sciences is often overlooked by scholars and researchers in Indian academia. Nonetheless, his indomitable visions and thoughts seem to influence policymaking even to date which is evident in the drafting of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and the following of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. These policies were created in the recent past but in essence, these policies intricately follow the values and ideals laid down by Dr. Ambedkar. His vision was not simply constrained to education as a development of personality but education as a means of future livelihood, more specifically as a development multiplier. Education, for Dr. Ambedkar, was a means to break free from the fetters of analphabetism, obliviousness, and the fallacies of so-called elite castes, which would empower and emancipate them to fight various degrees of social discrimination and eventually annihilate them. The present article seeks to delve into the NEP 2020 policy as a pivotal instrument echoing Dr. Ambedkar’s value for fostering an egalitarian society as our nation strives toward being Vishwaguru and becoming Viksit Bharat by 2047, highlighting that, indeed, every voice matters.

Water and forest resources play a crucial role for the poor tribal community of the global south to sustain their life and livelihood. Thus resource management is integral in uplifting the well-being of the tribal poor. Ajodhya Hills, situated in a drought-prone region, faces significant challenges in governing resources like water and forest upon which the tribal community depends. While most of the studies focus on the implications of the hydroelectric projects, including the displacement of marginalized communities and alterations to the local environment, there is a need to understand how capital-driven decisions and the interests of multiple actors create contestations and thereby drive disproportionate impacts on marginalized populations. By examining the silenced narratives of affected communities, this study reveals how resource governance shapes indigenous rights by affecting resource allocation and distribution. Additionally, this study also underscores the power structure that perpetuate inequalities, making the marginalized community more vulnerable and causing both social unrest and environmental problems. An analysis of the vulnerability of local commons in the drought-prone environment, therefore, needs to take into account how discourses and sociopolitical relations shape resource governance.