Abstract We investigate whether and how partisan politics played a role in the Netherlands. To do so, we review existing literature and prepare descriptive statistics from recent datasets. We focus on two related questions: (i) Are there effects of partisan politics in the Netherlands in the past 60 years? (ii) Do developments in party and voter behavior influence the relevance of partisan influences for Dutch governance? As we find that there is only limited existing research on partisan politics in the Dutch context, we empirically explore the relationship between government ideology and typical, country-level partisan outcome variables. We find mixed evidence for partisan policymaking in the Netherlands. Some findings are in line with partisan theory, some are counter-indicative. Exploring the role of party and voter movements, we document a shifting political landscape in which the potential for traditional partisan influences has become smaller.

Abstract We provide a concise overview of the literature concerning the factors influencing preferences for redistribution, with particular attention to works that have integrated considerations of gender and/or cohort heterogeneity into their analyses. We then present a series of stylized facts on preferences for redistribution based on data from the European Social Survey for a wide array of European countries over the period spanning from 2002 to 2022. We document that, since 2002, the average preferences for redistribution have increased. While the gender gap has remained substantially unchanged, the generational gap has widened over time. Distinguishing women and men by a set of individual characteristics, instead, there exists a not negligible heterogeneity both ‘between’ and ‘within’ women and men. At the country level, the overall gender gap in preferences for redistribution increases as the country’s per capita income or gender equality increase. Conversely, the gender gap decreases in more income, unequal, and religious countries. Finally, looking at the two exogenous shocks, that is, the 2008 financial and economic crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic, we observe that average individual attitudes towards redistribution react to both events but in a surprisingly opposite way, with a relevant heterogeneity across different sub-groups of women and men.

Abstract This paper provides key insights into women’s representation in the fintech industry, and descriptively examines the association between female leadership and firm performance in this industry. Using novel data from fintech firms in over 80 countries, we find that women leaders in this industry remain scarce. Our analysis reveals that firms founded by women are associated with lower firm performance as measured by their estimated revenue and funding acquired, especially for small firms. On the other hand, there is a positive association between gender diversity in executive board and firm performance, especially for mid-to-large sized firms.

Abstract This work estimates the relationship between Central Bank Independence (CBI) and economic growth in the context of monetary unions, using dynamic panel models. We use two measures of CBI: the Legal CBI index and the irregular turnover rate. When an irregular turnover of the Central Bank Governor occurs, it harms growth for countries outside monetary unions. On the contrary, the Legal CBI index is a positive factor for growth, although only regarding countries belonging to monetary unions. The limitations on lending to the government is the most important component of the Legal CBI, which explains this result. Additionally, we analyse sub-samples taking into account the level of income, the number of crises, the existence of quantitative easing policies, and different time windows. Interestingly, 1990–2013 was a harmful period for growth for the entire sample but benign for countries that belong to monetary unions. Moreover, when countries are in a crisis they benefit from being a member of a monetary union with an independent central bank. Results seem to point to the conclusion that Legal CBI in a monetary union has the potential to increase economic growth rates. (JEL codes: C23, E58, and O43)

Abstract We investigate the relationship between the four main inflation components (services, NEIG, energy, and food) and wages in the euro area. Using a panel vector autoregressive (PVAR) model for the 2002q1–2021q4 period, we find that wages positively respond to shocks in services inflation, energy inflation and GDP growth, with the first being the largest. In addition, services inflation is affected by all other inflation categories. The results are in line with the inflation path since 2022, following the food and energy price surges. Implications for policy include a feedback loop between wages and services inflation that lasts at least a year, with a possible reinforcement effect stemming from inflation expectations. Similar to US evidence, we also find that the unemployment rate does not affect wage developments in a Phillips curve setup. (JEL codes: J30, E24, E31)

Abstract To what extent does the incumbent party’s identity shape public policies? We investigate this question by examining national and regional policies in Spain. First, we analyze the evolution of voter preferences, and ofthe platforms of the two mainstream parties (Partido Socialista Obrero Español [PSOE] and Partido Popular [PP]), and the newer challenger parties that emerged post-financial crisis (Ciudadanos, Podemos, and Vox). We focus on three key national-level issue dimensions: economic, social, and centralization. As expected, the right-wing PP adopts a more conservative stance on all dimensions compared to the left-wing PSOE. However, the policy gap between these two parties remains relatively stable until the mid-2000s, with party platforms tracking the evolution of citizen preferences. After this period, platforms start to diverge, especially in the case of new parties, which display radical stances on these dimensions. We also provide descriptive evidence suggesting that these platform differences have translated into enacted policies. Second, to offer causal evidence on the effect of party identity on policy decisions, we examine partisan disparities in regional fiscal policies. Our findings reveal significant differences in tax policy following the granting of tax autonomy to the regions, somewhat moderated by tax competition and fiscal limits.

Abstract We study the evolution of bank deposits in response to monetary policy shocks. The objective is to assess whether a significant deposit channel, that is, an outflow of deposits when monetary conditions tighten (Drechsler et al. 2017), emerges at the macro level. The analysis relies on the estimation of a large Bayesian structural VAR for the USA, and monetary policy shocks are identified with Arias et al. (2019)’s method. We find some elements of the deposit channel, but our results suggest that its relevance for the transmission of monetary policy at the macro level is limited.

Abstract This paper reviews the literature on partisan politics in Portugal at the national and sub-national levels. Starting with a description of the institutional setting, main parties and electoral results, the paper then delves into how partisanship matters for the policies implemented by incumbent governments. The available evidence indicates clear differences in several policy areas, such as the labour market, welfare, health, education, and gender issues, with Portuguese left- and right-wing governments acting in line with their ideological agendas. Voter behaviour and the emergence of the populist far-right in the Portuguese parliament are also analysed. (JEL codes: D04, D7, H4, and H7)

Abstract We use data from the European working condition survey to describe the frequency of housework activities by men and women before and after the COVID-19 pandemic in European countries. We find that, although women continue to spend more time than men in housework activities, men increase housework activities after the pandemic and the gender gaps narrow. The result is driven by countries initially characterized by larger gender gaps in housework activities.

Abstract Party politics in Austria has two distinctive features: institutionalized power sharing between the two main parties, known as Proporz, and a longstanding tradition of far-right populism. I examine whether these two phenomena are connected: Does reduced political competition correlate with vote shares for the far right? The results do not support the hypothesis that populist parties are stronger in places with reduced political competition and with Proporz institutions. Instead, the results show that Austrian populism has very deep historical roots. Historical party preferences in the 1930s explain a substantial part of the variation in far-right populist vote shares across Austrian regions today. Populism may also have economic consequences. Descriptive evidence shows that economic growth was 2 percentage points lower in Austria when far-right populists were in the national government, whereas no partisan differences can be found for the two main parties.