Is a relationship breakup harder on certain people? To address this question, the present study investigated the relationship of individuals’ attachment styles to various reported aspects of a relationship's dissolution: initiation of the breakup, emotional reactions to the breakup, reasons for the breakup, and experiences and perceptions following the breakup. One hundred nineteen undergraduates completed an extensive questionnaire concerning a past romantic relationship that had broken up. Feeney, Noller, and Hanrahan's (1994) Attachment Style Questionnaire (ASQ) provided continous measures for five attachment styles or “attitudes”: confidence, discomfort with closeness, need for approval, preoccupation with relationships, and relationships as secondary. Principal-components analyses served to derive criterion indexes from the breakup questionnarie measures, which were individually regressed on the five ASQ scales. As predicted form attachment theory, respondents scoring high on preoccupation with relationships (reflcting anxious/ambivalent attachment) showed distinctive responses to the relationship breakup, in contrast to those scoring high on other attachment styles. Specifically, those strongly preoccupied with relationships reported (a) that their partner was unhappy in the relationship and had initiated the breakup, (b) having experienced difficulty adjusting to the breakup and felling it had been a mistake, and (c) more negative emotion and less positive emotion following the breakup. Implications of these findings are discussed

Parents in 18 of 21 couples who parented other children following a child's death said that they became more protective parents after the death. In intensive interview, the parents said that the greater protectiveness was rooted in a greater awareness of child vulnerability and of their own vulnerability to child loss. The protection took many forms, including greater vigilance, more rapid response to any sign of trouble, concealing parent grief, and subordinating personal needs in order to benefit the child. Protection or overprotection seemed typically to occur in a system in which children collaborated in their own overprotection and parents were more child focused and less spouse focused

Companion animals play a distinct role in our lives and for many, they are a part of the family and not simply just a pet. Today, in the United States, there is an increasing emphasis placed on the relationships that we build with our pets. A healthy relationship with our pets also lends to translate into a healthier lifestyle. However, we usually learn at a fairly young age that these beloved creatures do not live as long as we do. The loss of a pet in childhood is frequently our first face-to-face encounter with death and often affects how we will grieve as adults. Particularly within the field of psychology, the way we mourn our animal friends has gained increasing importance. This article looks at the literature concerning bereavement across the adult lifespan and focuses on the similarities between the way we grieve for our loved ones, both human and animal. We address some of the controversies associated with euthanasia and the treatment and support available to those in mourning. Finally, recommendations are offered to address some of the methodological problems in current bereavement research along with suggestions for further work in this area

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Research into possible mechanisms preventing disaster (e.g., Hytten, Jensen, & Skauli, 1990; Vaughan, 1996; Weick, 1987, 1993) deserves great attention and praise. Unfortunately, however, organizational disasters cannot be prevented completely, so we must also understand, and prepare for, the social-psychological aftermath of organizational disasters. Despite the common occurrence of manmade and natural disasters, an increasing number of technological disasters (Weisaeth, 1994), and increasing mortality rates in many types of disaster (Ursano, Fullerton, & McCaughey, 1994), individuals, organizations, and institutions are typically ill prepared for the onslaught of massive loss of life because they tend to avoid and deny unpleasant occurrences. Organizational actors must take the aforementioned quotation from the Book of Job seriously or even go a step further and

In studying loss, it is important to develop a cross-cultural, interdisciplinary approach that is concerned with the historical, cultural, and social contexts in which loss occurs. However, the Western field of psychology is less well informed about the experiences and perspectives of loss across various cultures. Many countries in the contemporary world are seeking greater participation in the international community and control over their destinies. The related cultural, political, and social developments are commanding a need for heightened awareness and understanding of ethnic variations in dealing with the social change phenomenon and the psychology of loss.

In the preface to this volume, we briefly considered some of the factors that have in recent years helped traumatic stress become a relatively unitary field of its own. We also noted that some circumstances, the nature of which are not completely clear to us, have to some extent impeded this progress. In this final section, we have two goals. First, we reflect upon the breadth and variety of trauma research in both its content and methods and discuss how this breadth relates to the progression of traumatic stress research as a distinct scholarly endeavor. Second, we review what we believe are some of the important future directions in traumatic stress research as the field continues to build upon its present foundations.

This chapter examines long-term parental grief of soldiers within the context of the Israeli society. Parental grief is discussed along the life span, commencing at the immediate phase following the loss through the bereavement process in middle to late adulthood and its manifestations in aging. Interviews with a group of elderly bereaved parents whose sons were killed during military service give further support to previous findings regarding the notion that the passage of time has no diminishing effect on their grief nor does it relinquish their attachment to the deceased. With aging, there appears to be an increase in internalized involvement with the long-lost child, fears of fading memories, and the need to eternalize the deceased. In reviewing the past, parents reevaluate their coping with the loss and their relationship with the surviving children. The parents' preoccupation is twofold: On one hand, the strong attachment seems to continue in inner representations of the lost child, and, on the other, this preoccupation is enhanced externally owing to Israeli society's attitude toward dead soldiers. An intersection is therefore established between society and bereaved families. Grief is apparently a central theme in aging parents who are preoccupied with the “aging” of their grief rather than their own aging.

It is fitting that a volume on post-traumatic stress includes chapters on sexual assault given both the prevalence of sexual assault and its effects. Specifically, in terms of prevalence, approximately one woman in five in the United States will be raped in her lifetime (Koss, 1993).1 In terms of the effects of sexual assault, victims experience heightened fear, anxiety, and depression for several months, and sometimes years, following an assault (see Frazier & Borgida, 1997, and Resick, 1993, for reviews). Sexual victimization affects physical health as well and is a more powerful predictor of physician visits and outpatient medical costs than other factors (e.g., age, smoking, alcohol use) known to be related to health problems (Koss, Koss, & Woodruff, 1991). Finally, sexual assault is one of the traumatic events that is most likely to lead to posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Breslau, Davis, Andreski, & Peterson, 1991; Norris, 1992; Ullman & Siegel, 1994). In a recent national study of trauma exposure and PTSD by Kessler and his colleagues (Kessler, Sonnega, Bromet, Hughes, & Nelson, 1995), almost half of the women who said that a rape was their worst trauma met lifetime criteria for PTSD. This is in comparison, for example, with a PTSD prevalence rate of 5% for those whose worst event was a natural disaster.