Abstract Since Israel’s war on Gaza in the aftermath of the October 2023 attacks, protests have virtually exploded across the world. We see them in Western countries as much as in the ‘Global South’ and the Arab world. In the US, university campuses have become one site of intense protest activity. For this issue’s Protest Voices section, editors Larbi Sadiki and Layla Saleh interviewed Professor Artz about his reflections on the pro-Palestine campus encampments at his university, and how his own research, teaching, and activism feed into one another. The interview with Professor Artz is followed by a short (anonymized) essay by a student protestor offering a first-hand account about why she protests.

Abstract Since June 2022, activists have been targeting renowned museums and galleries to draw attention to the climate crisis, with protests that often involve the apparent destruction of artworks. These actions have been condemned in global media outlets and are frequently represented as counterproductive and lacking in logic. We contend there is a logic in the actions of these political dissenters that goes beyond a simple attempt to secure media and political attention. The symbolic destruction of famous artworks represents a threat to deep psychological needs to transcend death through the protection of common heritage, which is discursively linked to climate and ecological destruction. Furthermore, considering the current literature on the physical spaces of democratic practices, we highlight the risks of demarcating museums and galleries as “off-limits” for political action and contend that these are legitimate sites for protest and acts of civil disobedience. Desde junio del 2022, los y las activistas han utilizado museos y galerías de renombre para llamar la atención sobre la crisis climática, con protestas que a menudo implican la aparente destrucción de obras de arte. Estas acciones han sido condenadas en medios de comunicación globales y son frecuentemente representadas como contraproducentes y carentes de lógica. En este artículo argumentamos que hay una lógica en las acciones de estos disidentes políticos que va más allá de la simple intención de capturar la atención política y mediática. La destrucción simbólica de obras de arte famosas representa una amenaza contra necesidades psicológicas profundas de trascender la muerte a través de la protección del patrimonio común, la cual está ligada discursivamente a la degradación climática y ecológica. Además, según la literatura actual sobre los espacios físicos de las prácticas democráticas, subrayamos los riesgos de demarcar los museos y las galerías como “restringidos” para la acción política, y sostenemos que son sitios legítimos para la protesta y la desobediencia civil.

Abstract The attack of October 7 2023 by Hamas and other Palestinian Armed Groups (pag) on Israel and the retaliatory war on Palestinians since then have led to a massive wave of protest across the world. These protests have been variously received by governments and local authorities, particularly in Europe and North America, and by Israel’s allies as threats – even to national security – in and of themselves. These governments, authorities, along with the mainstream media largely fail to see the protests as part of a massive global siren call for ceasefire, or for ending acts which may constitute war crimes, including genocide and starvation. What I wish to address in this essay are the ways in which these protests have proven dynamic, unprecedented in size and sheer geographic spread, and as a vast repertoire of action. In this essay I also argue that, before we even speak of the import of this moment of global solidarity we need to acknowledge that, in so many ways, it is mimetic of a long history of Palestinian protest all-too frequently overlooked or deliberately ignored. For this reason part of this essay seeks to re-centre such protest.

Abstract This past spring, Protest editors Larbi Sadiki and Layla Saleh interviewed Prof. Sakai about how she came to research the politics of the Middle East and Iraq, as well as the changes she has observed in the modes and content of Iraqi protests over the past decades. Prof. Sakai also shared some suggestions for young scholars embarking on the study of the Middle East region and told us a bit about her latest projects on comparative studies and the International Relations (ir) of protest. The interview has been lightly edited for clarity.

Abstract This study argues that initiating education on social movements and justice in higher education with an understanding of students’ social vulnerabilities and alienation is crucial. Addressing feelings of disconnectedness and apathy, this pedagogical approach fosters an environment where students feel safe to express personal grievances, thus deepening their engagement with the curriculum and enhancing the relevance of social justice education. This foundation encourages a profound, empathetic interaction with the subject, promoting an inclusive and transformative learning experience. Moreover, maintaining student interest in these complex subjects necessitates innovative teaching strategies, including guest lectures, multimedia integration, and interactive sessions. Regular feedback mechanisms further allow for the dynamic tailoring of course content, ensuring responsive and effective teaching. This research offers critical insights and practical tools for educators to refine their creative pedagogical practices, contributing to more holistic and impactful educational outcomes.

Abstract Dictatorial regimes are known for their non-tolerance syndrome, including for peaceful protests. With manifest dictatorial tendencies, Nigeria, under the President Muhammadu Buhari, fiercely gagged the media and clamped on peaceful protests, believing them to be anti-government uprisings. Despite this repressive approach, the youths embarked on the #EndSARS protest to demand for police accountability. Although the movement could not achieve its desired objectives, it drew international attention to police brutality and unveiled how dictatorial perceptions deny even a democratic government an opportunity to retract its policy steps. This paper analyzes how the Nigerian state escalates its security problems through its perception of, and approach to, peaceful protests. Using data from field survey, acled and documentary media reports, this paper argues that Nigeria’s manifest dictatorial tendencies deny it the opportunity to take in protest demands to initiate pro-people policies that could address its security problems. The implication is that the security environment in the country continues to worsen.

Abstract There have been many studies on the principles and methods of nonviolent movements, especially in the West, but this area has received little attention in South Korea, which has a rich history of nonviolent movements. Since the recent South Korean conscientious objection movement has achieved significant results in introducing alternative service in a highly militarised society, I decided to conduct a study to apply the advice of Western research to the movement. The nonviolent principles, methods of organisation and strategies proposed by Western researchers have largely been applied to the South Korean movement. However, there were also differences in organisational methods and strategies. Recent Western organising conventions of mass mobilisation rather than structure-based organising were largely unavailable to the South Korean conscientious objection movement due to the radical nature of the issue. The nonviolent winning strategy of disruption-sacrifice-escalation was also not possible in the South Korean movement, which went for disruption-sacrifice-continuation, but escalation.