Abstract The close cross-linguistic relation between the domains of space and time has been well described. The frequent emergence of Tense-Aspect-Mood (TAM) markers from deictic motion verbs in particular, has also been extensively detailed in the literature. This paper focusses on the less well-known link between associated motion, a category of functional morphemes expressing (deictic) motion events, and TAM, in a language contact situation. Specifically, it provides a synchronic and diachronic description of three associated motion prefixes,joo-,tóó-andkoo-, found in the Tanzanian Bantu language Rangi, spoken in an area of high linguistic diversity. It proposes that the prefixjoo-encodes movement towards a deictic centre,tóó-encodes movement towards a goal which is not the deictic centre, andkoo-encodes movement away from a deictic centre. It further contends that whiletóó-andkoo-have maintained a purely deictic function,joo-has grammaticalised to assume an additional function whereby it encodes future tense, possibly aided by the absence of a dedicated future tense marker in the language. This three-way morphological encoding of spatial relations on the verb form is not a common characteristic of East African Bantu languages. However, this paper proposes that the system in Rangi can be accounted for on the basis of cross-linguistically widely attested pathways of grammatical change.

Article Newman, Paul & Roxana Ma Newman: Hausa Dictionary: Hausa-English English-Hausa, Ƙamusun Hausa: Hausa-Ingilishi/Ingilishi-Hausa was published on October 1, 2021 in the journal Journal of African Languages and Linguistics (volume 42, issue 2).

Abstract In CiTonga, a Bantu language spoken in northern Malawi, a number of different morphemes within the verbal complex can sponsor a High tone. While the High tone of a morpheme which precedes the stem is shown to be underlyingly pre-linked, those found after the beginning of the stem are argued to be underlyingly floating. This latter group of High tone autosegments can be shown to exclusively dock onto the first and last tone bearing units (TBUs) of the prosodic stem. This domain is not isomorphic with the morphological stem in that it must include the entire morphological stem as well as any of 3 different categories of enclitics which follow. The docking of the underlyingly floating Hs is shown to follow an edge-in process whereby a single H docks onto the initial TBU of the prosodic stem, a second H docks onto the final TBU of the prosodic stem, and any additional High tones remain floating, being phonologically inert. The paper provides an extensive range of newly presented data on this understudied Bantu language and constitutes a rare case of the prosodic stem being motivated by tonological factors.

Abstract We present an analysis of noun number marking in Dinka, based on Andersen’s system of vowel grades and a new system of tone classes. Assuming that the ‘unmarked’ grade 1 form can be either singular or plural, we show that the morphology is more systematic than has been previously suggested. Roughly half of our dataset can be treated as synchronically regular, and in more than half the remainder the only exceptional features are simple alternations of lexical quantity or voice quality. Less than a quarter exhibit more unpredictable irregularities. With regard to tone, we posit nine classes that describe the patterns of tonal alternation between the grade 1 form and the more marked form of the noun; 60% of our dataset fall into just three of these classes. The tone classes show considerable cross-dialect validity even between a four-tone dialect (Luanyjang, Rek cluster) and a three-tone dialect (Agar).

Abstract This paper describes the constructions and strategies available in Tafi, a KA-Ghana-Togo-Mountain language, for indicating relations of similarity, equality or superiority among two or more entities or events with respect to a property. Drawing on typological studies of comparison, I demonstrate that Tafi’s dedicated comparative constructions, that is, equivalents of English sentences likeThe pig is more dirty than the duckinvolve serial verb construction (SVC) subtypes. For superiority, theparameter(or property, ‘dirty’) of the comparison is expressed by the V1 in the SVC while V2 is the ‘exceed’ verb. For equality, theparameteris the V1 and the V2 is the ‘be.equal’ verb. The V2s in these SVCs co-lexicalise both themark(e.g. ‘than’) andindex(e.g. ‘more’) of the comparison. The paper discusses the contact-driven influences from areal grammar and from Ewe, the dominant lingua franca for Tafi speakers, on the linguistic expression of comparison. The ‘exceed’ comparative structure found in African languages has been attributed to areal grammaticalisation. I further argue that the operator verbsɔ/sɔ̃‘be.equal’ in the Tafi equality SVC is borrowed from Ewe. Similarity constructions involve the semblativenâsí. Similarity is also signalled through the verbyi‘resemble’. I also explore the ordinal verbbhusó‘do.first’ as a lexical comparative. Furthermore, I argue that Tafi, like many other Kwa languages, does not formally code a superlative. Superlative readings are inferred from the context and from non-dedicated linguistic indicators such as intensifiers.

Article Eʋegbe nyakpemenyi ŋuti nunya ŋu nusɔsrɔ̃ na gɔmedzelawo A study of Ewe phonology for beginners was published on May 1, 2021 in the journal Journal of African Languages and Linguistics (volume 42, issue 1).