Abstract This paper highlights how fetal ultrasound scanning involves an intrusion upon the integrity of the pregnant person’s body and their psychological space. It contends that this intrusion has the potential to harm the pregnant people subjected to it in medical contexts as a result of the normative practices and interpretative frameworks associated with it. The socio-cultural practices associated with fetal ultrasound pathologize pregnant bodies and perpetuate logics in which pregnant people are subordinated, discredited, devalued, and policed within social relations as women and mothers-to-be. Further, the paper argues that the intrusion of fetal ultrasound is obscured in the medical monitoring of pregnancy where it is taken for granted as a benign aspect of routine antenatal care. Consequently, we contend that fetal ultrasound is a normalized and gendered intrusion that can cause epistemic harm, scaffold obstetric violence, and may sometimes constitute a form of obstetric violence in and of itself.

Abstract Infertility and involuntary childlessness are often accompanied by psychological distress. Such distress exhibits gendered patterns: women typically experience greater infertility-related suffering, including while they undergo procedures like IVF, and when such procedures fail. Early feminist critics of reproductive technologies sought to locate and address this suffering in the totality of women’s experience under patriarchy. Contemporarily, a liberal approach to this issue emphasizes the importance of an individual’s reproductive autonomy to engage in infertility procedures as they see fit. In this paper, I suggest that a hidden assumption within this liberal argument, serving as an operant justification for the development and provision of assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs), is that ARTs promote welfare, or well-being, through the alleviation of infertility-related distress. I explore whether ARTs do appropriately attend to welfare and so meet this justificatory aim. I suggest that IVF, where it is not successful, that is, in the vast majority of cases, does not serve to promote well-being. A comprehensive picture of welfare requires examining the social context in which infertility-related distress operates and in which well-being is thus compromised. Such considerations are essential to forming a holistic picture of well-being and in assessing whether ARTs can meet their welfarist aims.

Abstract Recently, social philosophers have argued for a practice-based social ontology that can furnish a robustly social account of oppression and, in turn, illuminate the obstacles to and possibilities for social change. This paper argues for an intersubjective approach to oppressive social practices. Oppressive meanings constitute relationships between agents in ways they neither choose nor decide on; agents uphold those meanings through their relationships to others. This approach, I argue, can illuminate a critical case of an oppressive social practice that revolves around struggles for recognition and the dynamics of social change.

Abstract The framing of the 2015 Rachel Dolezal transracialism scandal as a new kind of “trans moment” relies on a peculiar understanding of transness and Blackness, and the relationship they share. In this article, I analyze the “trans grammar” that structures this post-Dolezalian transracialism discourse, seeking to understand its points of reference in, and implications for, theories of transness and Blackness. I argue the post-Dolezalian transracialism discourse evidences a concern amongst Black trans feminists that the institutionalization of a “trans” concept that indexes always and only a normative figuration of “transgender” is reliant on the abstraction of the racialization of gendered space, and the erasure of Black trans feminist genealogies. I analyze the debate’s use of “trans” as a prefix for descriptors of the phenomenon Dolezal has come to represent and find the most prevalent usages create “trans” as a qualifier that is emptied of conceptual significance and political investments. This grammar, I argue, captures both Blackness and transness as fixed and knowable. Ultimately, the analysis builds an argument that the discourses’ dominant trans grammars rely on and reproduce a deficient theorization of racialized and gendered identities that depoliticizes transness and recreates gendered and Black identities as a priori and immutable.

Abstract Women are the fastest growing prison population in Canada and the United States. Women who are criminalized and incarcerated are almost always prior victims of physical and/or sexual abuse, often at a young age. Foucault’s concept of the “carceral society” allows us to understand how people are deemed criminal or innocent based on a hegemonic system of “norms” which reinforce institutional violence. This article details how those who transgress the norms of being white, male, cisgender, neurotypical, and heterosexual (among others) are often subject to violence and criminalized by default, both in their homes and communities, as well as in the eyes of the state. This “home to prison pipeline” (HTPP) is especially harmful for Black women and women of colour, who face multiple, intersecting oppressions of state policy and violence. Rooted in domestic violence and carcerality in the home, the HTPP operates as a system of close surveillance, honing on those who do not conform to institutional norms. This paper is based in the testimony of incarcerated women, and draws on Foucault’s conceptions of criminality, surveillance, and the development of the modern prison, as well as that of feminist and criminology scholars.

Abstract This article confronts the idea—especially widespread in the field of political philosophy, amongst Italian philosophers associated with feminism of difference, and in general narratives of 1970s Italian feminism—that Carla Lonzi was an anticipator of the Italian thought of sexual difference. Contra seminal texts like Non credere di avere dei diritti (1987) and scholars affiliated with the Libreria delle Donne di Milano and the Diotima philosophical collective, I illustrate how Lonzi was extraneous to the theoretical foundations and practices of “femminismo della differenza.” Notions of the symbolic mother, practices of disparity and ‘entrustment’, concerns with bringing into existence a female symbolic order—which would ground the development of the thought of sexual difference—were either absent in Lonzi’s writings or contested by her. While Lonzi’s work has increasingly been used to advance essentialist, gender-critical arguments by philosophers close to feminism of difference (for whom her work seemingly provides support against the very existence of non-binary, queer, and trans lives), I show how her approach to sexual difference departed significantly from such interpretations and can rather be more convincingly understood through Simone de Beauvoir.

Abstract Street harassment is a widespread urban experience—particularly but not exclusively for women—yet marked by isolation from bystanders and other victim-survivors. Given this isolated dimension, what might a collective response look like? This paper examines a successful case of feminist street art protest in Brussels: posters claiming “laisse les filles tranquilles,” a demand which was swiftly extended on behalf of other groups by similar posters, and copied, commented, and modified both approvingly and disapprovingly by graffiti. Developing a novel critical phenomenological approach based in Sartre’s concept of seriality, this paper argues that the posters’ ingenuity lies in appropriating the infrastructure where harassment occurs, thus exploiting the spatially and temporally dispersed character of these intrusions. This article proceeds in three parts. First, drawing on empirical research on street harassment, I contextualize feminist protest and individual coping strategies within the postcolonial metropole of Brussels. Secondly, I reconceptualize street harassment through Sartrean seriality, combined with phenomenological insights from Beauvoir and Fanon, to underscore the dynamic between material objects, object-like social routines, and anonymity. Thirdly, I show that posters and their responses enable the formation of social antagonism between strangers who are not in a direct, physical relation, thereby politicizing the broader Brussels public.

Abstract Using a comparative reading of Antigone and Iphigenia, the paper illuminates how differing modes of finality within a political moment can be construed along gender lines. For feminine characters whose political life never experiences a birth while ensconced in the Athenian apparatus of male political oppression, understanding how Antigone and Iphigenia both become politically born by entering a mode of finality aids in pinpointing one of the very few agentic methods available to women in ancient Athens. Through a careful understanding of Greek tragedy, the place of women in Ancient Athens, and a discussion of views of gender during the time, the paper offers a multi-disciplinary view, understanding the text for what it is within a contemporary reading of gender. What does Antigone’s suicide imply about gendered power inside a political situation and what does Iphigenia’s sacrifice take away? Antigone’s suicide effectively makes her a masculine actor in the eyes of an Ancient Athenian spectator while Iphigenia’s sacrifice is uniquely feminine. This paper also represents preliminary work into the importance and significance of persons who are politically cornered but have open to them an intentional mode of finality.